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Poland.-Provincial Government.-The Grand Duke.-Deputa tion to St. Petersburg-Russian Proclamation.-State of Warsaw. Chlopicki Dictator.-Military Preparation.-Radzivil succeeds Chlopicki.-The Polish Forces.-Diebitsch enters Poland.-Military Operations.-Various Engagements.-Negociations.-Battle of Grokow.-Appointment of Skrzynecki.—Efforts of the Poles.-Operations of Dwernicki.-Propositions.Skrzynecki's Operations.-Insurrection in Lithuania.-Battle of Igani.-Retrospect.

WARSAW being now practical- exander, Chlopicki took umbrage ly independent, by the expulsion at some one of those insulting exof the Russian troops out of the pressions, which Constantine was city, the first business of the pat- continually addressing to the Poriots was to organize a provincial lish army, and replying to the regovernment suited to the exigen- proof of the Grand Duke, that he cies of their new situation. As did not gain his rank, nor receive the Grand Duke and the Rus- his decorations, on the parade sians remained before the city ground, he demanded his disstill, it was all important to have charge, and firmly resisted all the a competent chief to direct the instances of the Grand Duke and military operations of the citizens; the Emperor that he would resume and some of the patriots, who his station, preferring honorable consulted together on the subject, poverty and obscurity to the glitter agreed to offer the command to of Russian servitude. His military General Chlopicki. This distin- reputation, and the independence guished officer began his career of soul he had displayed, drew under Kosciuszko in the former the eyes of the nation upon him struggle of the Poles for indepen- at this crisis. He was conducted, dence. Afterwards he entered amid the acclamations of the the Polish Legion under Napole- people, to the assembled patriots, on, gradually rising to the rank of and invested with the rank of general of a division, in which ca- commander in chief in their prespacity he served in Spain. When ence, a brief address being made Poland fell into the hands of Al- on the occasion by Professor

Lelewel, an eminent Polish scholar and patriot, who, although unfitted by his habits for military command, became, by his talents and indefatigable zeal, the animating spirit of the revolution.

Thus far, although Warsaw had for the time being, shaken off her chains, yet, nothing had occurred to show to the world the character of the movement, whether it was a mere civic disturbance or a national insurrection. This question did not long remain undecided. Having appointed a commander in chief, the patriots next proceeded to organize a provincial government, at the head of which they placed Prince Adam Czartoriski, Prince Michael Radzivil, Niemcewicz, Lelewel, and Lubecki. This arrangement was announced before noon. Lubecki was one of the old ministers, the rest were newly appointed. Among the latter, Niemcewicz was selected, not merely as possessing the warmest patriotism, and having served under Kosciuszko, but as being the first name in Polish literature; for the Poles on this occasion, like the French after the Three Days, were found to do homage to intellectual cultivation and acknowledged intellectual fame, in the distribution of the duties and honors of their revolutionary government. Lelewel, as we have already said, has similar claims to distinction.

Czartoriski was the first noble of Poland, alike prominent for his wealth, his rank, and his character. In regard to wealth, he was one of those great Polish proprietors, princes in fact, as


well as in name, whose estate covered provinces, and who could equip whole squadrons from their own private resources. In rank, he claimed descent from royalty, through a long line of distinguished ancestry. In char acter, he was a true Pole. the last partition of Poland, he and his brother Constantine were sent to St. Petersburg as hostages; and there he contracted an intimacy with the Grand Duke Alexander, which continued when the latter succeeded to the imperial authority, and which exercised considerable influence over the political career of Czartoriski. At the urgent solicitation of Alexander, he accepted of various appointments in the Russian administration, first as ambassador to Turin, next as minister of foreign affairs, and at the same time as curator of the University of Wilna and commissioner for the establishment of schools in the Russian provinces of Poland. In all these offices, it was the aim and the good fortune of Czartoriski to preserve his fidelity to his country unshaken, at the same time that he performed his duty to the Emperor, in whose employment he served. Previous to the collision between Russia and France he had resigned his portfolio, and devoted himself to the improvement of his country through his connexion with the University of Wilna, perceiving, perhaps, that a time was coming, when the duties of a minister of state would militate with the interests which he held most dear. During the struggle between Alexander and Napoleon, it was his constant en

deavor to impress on the minds of all, the great truth, that the balance of power in Europe could only be maintained by the restoration of Poland. He accompanied Alexander to Paris in 1814 in order to effect this object; so that probably much of the good feeling of Alexander towards Poland, and especially the liberal constitution he gave the kingdom, may be ascribed to Czartoriski's persuasion. When he saw the disappointment of his hopes by the continued violation of the charter, he broke off all his relation with the Russian government, and was loud in his complaints concerning the wrongs done his country. When the revolution commenced, he was residing on his estates at Pulawa, about eighteen leagues from Warsaw. He did not hesitate to embark his life and fortune in the cause of Poland, entering into the contest with a generosity of purpose, and continuing it with a self sacrificing devotedness of patriotic virtue, which were above all praise.

Prince Anthony Radzivil was in rank and possessions of the same class with Czartoriski. Being too young, at the time of the last partition, to share in the glorious effort of Kosciuszko, he passed his early years in the fashionable pleasures of high life; and thus it happened that, when Napoleon visited Warsaw in 1806, he was selected to be chamberlain to the Emperor. But Napoleon, with his accustomed penetration, soon discovered that young Radzivil was fitted for a higher sphere, and conferred on him the command of a Polish regiment in active service. Rad

zivil was greatly distinguished in several campaigns, until the political changes consequent on the fall of Napoleon led him to seek retirement, in spite of the solicitations and flattering offers of Alexander. Subsequently he became a prominent member of the Polish Senate, where he signaliz ed his love for country, by opposing the course of Russian policy; and it was thus he became endeared to the Poles.*

Such were the men, to whom the guidance of the revolution was entrusted. The first step taken by the provincial government was to send a deputation to the Grand Duke, to demand whether he meant to depart peaceably or to attack the city. The deputies found him encamped in the fields of Mokotow with a force of about 8,000 men, and proposed to him to depart unmolested on a prescribed route, offering him every possible accommodation for himself and his troops on the way. In his reply, Constantine promised not to attack the city without giving fortyeight hours notice, but made no engagements as to his departure. Not satisfied with this, the provincial government sent another deputation to the Grand Duke two days afterwards, informing him that, if he did not leave the kingdom immediately, he would be attacked. Seeing the necessity of compliance, he attempted no

It is proper to acknowledge in this place, that, while we have consulted

such other means of information con

cerning the Polish revolution as we had access to, we have relied implicitly on Revolution by Major Hordynski, a work the full and complete History of the of sterling merit and value.

further delay, and departed the next morning by the way of Pulawa, as prescribed to him, after addressing a moderate and temperate proclamation to the Poles, in which he assured them of his good offices with the Emperor, and exhorted them to deal gently with the Russians detained in Warsaw. He broke up his camp on the 3d of December, and on the 13th passed the frontiers into the ancient Polish province of Volhynia, everything being prepared for him by agents, whom the Poles had sent in advance. With honorable foes, and under circumstances affording any reasonable hopes of accommodation, this procedure might have been well; but as it proved, the Poles gained no favors by their generosity, and lost the advantages they might have derived from the capture of Constantine and his corps. It was one of the first errors of the Poles; for they should have expected no concessions from Russia, nor yielded a single advantage in a contest with her for independence.

Polish provinces incorporated with Russia should partake of the benefits of it, as Alexander had promised. In short, they demanded that the solemn pledges, which Russia had given to the Poles and to Europe, should be redeemed. They also invited Nicholas to open the Diet in person.-The preparations of the patriots for war were not made with energy, until the return of the deputation, with intelligence that Nicholas would hear of nothing but unconditioned submission. In fact, he issued proclamations on the 17th and 24th of December, addressed the first to the Poles, and the second to the subjects of the Empire in general, which settled forever the question of peace or war.

In these documents, nothing is more worthy to be remarked than the hypocritical spirit of pretended religious confidence, which is particularly offensive in that addressed to the Russians. Here was a half Asiatic despotism, which had acquired possession of Poland by a series of abominable frauds and cruelties, the blackest on the page of European history. Alexander had given to the Poles, and Nicholas had confirmed, a constitution, which each of them had religiously sworn to maintain, and to do which all Russia was solemnly engaged to all Europe. This constitution Alexander and Nicholas had both violated in its most essential particulars, until, maddened by oppression, the injured Poles had risen with arms in their hands to enforce its observance; and this was all they and that all the ancient asked or desired. Deaf to the

Unfortunately, however, the Poles endeavored to reconcile revolution with allegiance. They summoned the Diet to meet at an early day, resolving meanwhile, to recognize the rights of Nicholas. Accordingly, they appointed a commission to repair to St. Petersburg, and lay their purposes and desires before the Emperor. They asked that all Russian troops should be withdrawn from the kingdom forever,-that the privileges of the constitution should be again confirmed in their full extent,

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demands of religion, honor, and justice, Nicholas was now preparing to march down his Tartar hordes upon this devoted people, and to blot them out from the face of outraged and insulted Europe; and in these circumstances, he dared to speak of his confidence in God, the constant benefactor of Russia ;'-and even to use such language as this:- God, THE PROTECTOR OF RIGHT, is with us; and all-powerful Russia will be able, with a decisive blow, to bring to order those who have dared to disturb her tranquillity.' -We know of no parallel for the shocking blasphemy of these expressions, except in the similar style of the early Mahometan conquerors, who, with the Koran in one hand, and the scimetar in the other, carried fire and sword through more than three fourths of Christendom.

purpose. When the Grand Duke departed for Volhynia, some Polish regiments, which had hitherto remained with him, also joined the cause of their country. On several following days, great num-' bers of soldiers and peasants continued to flock into the city from all sides, the latter being armed with scythes and axes in default of other weapons. Tables were spread with refreshments for them in the streets, while young and old, nobles and peasants, met and embraced as friends and equals. On the evening of the 4th the theatre was opened for the first time during the insurrection, when the patriots embraced the occasion to address the people, and a patriotic play, interspersed with well-timed music, raised their enthusiasm to the highest pitch. On Sunday the 5th, the churches of Warsaw were crowded with persons from the province; and in Praga, the religious services were performed in the open air, in the presence of more than 50,000 men, an altar having been constructed on the spot where the victims of Suwarrow's cruelty were buried.

After the close of the services the most animating exhortations were addressed to the assembled multitude.

During the interval before knowing the determination of the Emperor, although the Poles had done less than they otherwise would have done, they were not idle. Indeed, a national guard, corresponding in principle to our militia, was organized the first day of the revolution, Count Lubinski being placed at its head. On the same day, proclamations were sent into the provinces, to Again, on the 6th, another pubapprise the nation of what had lic solemnity took place, which happened. The next day, twelve had the same tendency to rouse companies of students, called the and inspirit the people. It had Academical Legions, were com- been resolved to concentrate all pleted and on duty; and several powers, civil and military, in the regiments of the Polish army hands of one man, until the time came in from the country, togeth- when the Diet should convene; er with multitudes of peasants, and Chlopicki was invested with imperfectly armed, it is true, but the name and authority of Dictafull of enthusiasm and energy of tor. In the afternoon, Chlopicki

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