to be admitted to the privileges of freemen in boroughs in the same manner, as if the act had not passed. The extra parochial places were to be joined to the smallest adjacent parish, and the returning officers were to be empowered to appoint several places for polling the votes. These proposed alterations which were of

the reform bill was called up for commitment, and Lord Russell in making a motion for that purpose, stated, that he should propose to place Beeralston among the disfranchised boroughs; to transfer Aldeburgh, Buckingham, Malmesbury, Okehampton and Reigate from Schedule A. to Schedule B., on the ground that the corrected returns showed fered with the view of conciliatheir population exceeded 2000; ting the anti-reforming party, did and to leave Leominster, North- not produce that effect. Their allerton, Monteth, Tamworth, hostility was as uncompromising Truro, Westbury and Wycombe as ever, and in the expectation out of Schedule B., on the ground "of scotching the snake" they that their population exceeded did not dare "to kill." General 4000. He should also propose Gascoyne was put forward to that Bury, Oldham, Rochdale, move a resolution, as an amendSalford, Stoke upon Trent,Wake- ment to the motion to go into field, Halifax and Whitby should committee, declaring, that, in the send one member each; that all opinion of the House, the reprecounties in England and Wales, sentation of that part of the united having over 100,000 inhabitants, kingdom called England and should send an additional member; Wales ought not to be diminand all having over 150,000 should ished. send four members. These alterations would augment the number originally proposed so as to make the diminution of the House only 31 instead of 62.

Some modifications were intended in those parts of the bill, fixing the qualifications of electors, so as to allow leaseholders renting property for 14 years at the yearly rate of £50, or for 60 years at the yearly rate of £10, and those who paid a fine for their leases to vote for county members and to admit the occupiers of ware houses and counting rooms in boroughs to vote upon the same footing as the occupiers of dwellings. All children born, or apprentices bound, before the passage of the act, were

The disproportionate representation of this portion of the kingdom had been one of the subjects of well founded complaint, both in Scotland and Ireland, and the passage of Gen. Gascoyne's resolution would prevent any remedy of that evil, except by augmenting the total number of the House of Commons, already too large for convenience. Both those members of the united empire would thus be deprived, not only of a positive addition to their own representation, but of that benefit resulting from the diminished number of the representation of England and Wales.

The amendment was therefore warmly opposed by the ministry, and the Chancellor of the Ex

chequer observed, that if it were carried, the bill would lose all its efficacy. A vehement debate again ensued which was resumed the next day, when the House divided 299 in favor and 291 against Gen. Gascoynes resolution.

This division having shown a majority of 8 against the ministry on a vital principle of the reform bill, it was at once perceived, that their resignation, or a dissolution of Parliament must follow. An attempt was made the next day to prevent the latter and to obtain a pledge from the ministers not to dissolve Parliament, before proceeding with the supply bills. Lord Althorpe, however, declined informing the House on the subject, although he stated that it was not the intention of the government to proceed farther with the reform bill. A motion was then made to adjourn, which was carried by the Tory party, notwithstanding the opposition of the ministers by a majority of 22. A dissolution was now determined

upon with the intention of appealing to the nation on the question at issue between the ministry and the opposition.

and

all sides, and the rudest personalities passed among the dignified Peers during the confusion. This scene continued until the King actually entered the House, when having taken his seat upon the throne and assumed the crown and sceptre, he summoned the House of Commons to attend, and prorogued Parliament in the following truly royal manner :— My Lords and Gentlemen,

I have come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing this Parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution.

'I have been induced to resort to this

measure for the purpose of ascertaining
the sense of my people, in the only way
in which it can be most conveniently
and authentically expressed, for the ex-
press purpose of making such changes

in the representation as circumstances
may appear to require, and which,
founded upon the acknowledged prin-
ciples of the constitution, may tend at
once to uphold the just rights and pre-
rogatives of the crown, and to give se-
curity to the liberties of the people.
'Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

I thank you for the provision you have made for the maintenance of the honor and dignity of the crown, and I offer my special acknowledgments for the arrangement you have made for the state and comfort of my royal consort. I have also to thank you for the supplies

to the prosecution of that important subject.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

you have furnished for the public service. I have observed with satisfaction your endeavors to introduce a strict economy into every branch of that service, and I trust that the early attention Such an appeal was dreaded of a new Parliament, which I shall forthby the aristocratic party as the with direct to be called, will be applied worst of horrors, and the rage clamor prevailing in the House of Lords upon the announcement of the King's intention to prorogue Parliament, are represented as having never been equalled in that most disorderly of deliberative assemblies-an English House of Commons, since the days of Cromwell. The cour tesies of society were violated on

I am happy to inform you that the tween myself and foreign powers, affords friendly intercourse which exists bethe best hopes of a continuation of peace, to the preservation of which my

most anxious endeavors shall be con

tinually directed.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

In resolving to recur to the sense of of the country, I have been influenced my people in the present circumstances only by a desire, and personal anxiety,

for the contentment and happiness of my subjects, to promote which I rely with confidence on your continued and zealous assistance.

My pleasure is that this Parliament shall be prorogued, and forthwith, to Tuesday the 10th day of May next.'

The next day a royal proclamation appeared, dissolving Parliament, and ordering an election forthwith for a new Parliament, to meet on the 14th of June following. Both parties now prepared for the contest with means and vigor commensurate with the importance of the cause depending upon their exertions.

Enormous sums were subscribed to defray the expenses of the elections, and the Tory party strained every nerve to obtain a majority in the new House of Commons.

Efforts were made to alarm the public mind with fears of revolution and anarchy the church was in danger: the national debt would be spunged out; and all the established institutions of the country sacrificed to the wild spirit of innovation. These spectres, however, had long ceased to terrify. The people of England were true to the cause of reform, and the defeat of the Tory party was overwhelming. In Scotland, indeed, and in the reduced and disfranchised boroughs, they obtained a majority of more than two to one. But in the open boroughs, in the English and Irish counties, and wherever the unbiassed force of public opinion could be exerted, they were defeated.

ties the knights of the shire were returned from the same party.

Notwithstanding the regular clergy, generally, and the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, imprudently enlisted themselves against the feeling of the country; and the members of the established church came forward in great numbers to sustain the system of rotten boroughs and limited constituencies; the victory obtained over the forces thus combined to maintain a corrupt system of government, exceeded all that could have been conceived possible for a people to achieve, who were trammelled by the very mischiefs which rendered reform necessary.

A ministerial majority exceeding 100 was returned to the new Parliament, and the ministers met that body on the 14th of June, with an entire conviction of the assent of the lower House to any efficient plan of reform.

The Hon. Charles Manners Sutton was unanimously re-elected Speaker, and on the 21st of June, the King delivered his speech to the new Parliament, in person. The speech was rather more intelligible than usual, and the detailed explanations furnished of the affairs of the kingdom evinced a greater deference to public opinion, than when the King acted merely as the organ of a Tory cabinet.

Parliamentary reform was primarily recommended to their attention, as a measure which had just received the sanction of the Ten of the counties, returning people. The prospect of a con55 members, were unanimous for tinuance of peace was said to be reform, and in nearly all the coun- encouraging, and the principle

upon which the discussions on the affairs of Belgium were conducted, was stated to be that of non-interference with the right of the Belgians to establish their government according to their own views of expediency, so long as in the exercise of that right they did not endanger the security of neighboring states.

The chastisement of Portugal was alluded to as having procured full satisfaction from that government. The progress of the Cholera was mentioned, and every effort was said to have been taken to prevent the introduction of the disease into the kingdom. Ireland was represented as being in a state of great distress, and an intimation was given, that additional powers might be required by the government to repress the disorder in that island.

land, as well as to the occupiers of houses and counting rooms; and in the counties, the period of leases of £50, yearly value, was reduced to seven years. It was further provided, that the right should be exercised by the mortgagor or cestuique trust in possession, and not by the trustee or mortgagee, and that the power of enlarging or settling the boundaries of boroughs, and of dividing counties, should be vested in a commission chosen by Parliament.

The reform bill was now completed. It had undergone the examination of a vigilant and unsparing opposition in Parliament. It had been subjected to the criticism of the public press. A new census had just been taken, and availing themselves of more accurate information and well-timed suggestions, the bill was amended so as to conform to the principles of reform promulgated by the ministers, and to unite the greatest mass of public opinion in its support. The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill, now became the watchword of the people of England. The political unions, which had been organised in the larger towns, and the periodical press, which now began to exercise its legitimate influence over the public mind, directed their combined energies to sustain the ministry.

The recommendation of Parliamentary reform was not long neglected, and on the 24th of June, Lord John Russell again presented the subject to the consideration of the House, by asking leave to bring in a bill similar in principle to the one already described. The only amendments were, that Downton and St. Germains were now added to the list of disfranchised boroughs, and that Falmouth being added to Penryn and Deal, and Walmer to Sandwich, those two boroughs were withdrawn from the list of The questions of ballot and reduced boroughs. Some altera- universal suffrage, which had tions were also made in the par- been started by the radical reishes to be included in Manches- formers, were, by common conter and Wolverhampton, and in sent, laid aside, as calculated to the Welshborough districts. The produce division in the reforming elective franchise in boroughs was party, and the government brought extended to the occupiers of forward the measure, in the new

and reduction of each borough, was contested in detail, and the House was occupied the remainder of July, and until the 17th of August, on the schedules alone, without producing any alteration, except in the case of Saltash, which was transferred from the list of disfranchised, to that of reduced boroughs, by a vote of 231 to 150. Lord Althorpe, Lord Russell, and nearly all the

Parliament, under every advan- In conformity with this system tage. The Tory party, however, of tactics, the disfranchisement was not discouraged, but renewed the contest with unabated vigor. The discussion on the principles of the bill was again entered upon, and ministers were charged with having stimulated the people to demand a change in the constitution, and the members were exhorted to show themselves superior to the influence of popular clamor, and to vindicate the bill. The debate which commenced on the 4th of July was protracted ministers, voting in the majority. through that and the two succeed- During this apportionment of ing days, when the bill was or- representatives, an ineffectual atdered a second reading, 370 in tempt was made by Mr. Hume, favor, and 233 against it.* to procure a representation for the colonies by moving an instruction to the committee, that 19 members should be allowed to those parts of the British empire. This motion was a severe test to the sincerity of the Whigs. The principle by which they professed to be governed, obviously demanded their full assent to the motion, in its fullest extent. The colonists were subjects of the same government. Their most vital interests were legislated upon in the British Parliament, and the same reasons which rendered it improper that the representatives of Gatton and Old Sarum should continue to legislate for Manches

The principle of reform having been thus sanctioned by an overwhelming majority, the bill was ordered for commitment, on the 12th of July, and the Tory party, foreseeing the impossibility of at once rejecting it with that decision and tact which characterise, in representative governments, the party seeking its own interest, as contradistinguished from that aiming at the public good, promptly resolved to protract the contest, as to the details, in the hope of exhausting the public interest in the bill itself, when they might safely give it a quietus in the House of Lords.