duty of preserving all the fruits of the revolution of 1830.

My course has not been without advantage; of this I am assured by an immense correspondence. In fact, if the sublime movement of the French nation in arms has been spontaneous—if to guarantee France against the future commotion of a narrow, a malignant, or even a timid policy, it is enough to place her beneath the protection of the principles of 1789 and 1791, and above all of the vital and universal principle of election-it is not less true that a central influence, and if I might dare say it, the confidence claimed by home personal consideration, have beneficially contributed to harmonize during the suspension of law, conflicting wishes and opinions, and to defeat the intrigues of the party that was overthrown, but which still retain ed the power to hurt. I love to recall the circumstances of the second general inspection, which in this regard so powerfully supported me.

*

*

I will not recount all that has been done to organize for us these admirable legions of cities-these numerous battalions of the villages. * Alas! far from fearing this great institution, formed without delay, without hesitation, or trouble, solely by the influence of a boundless and unqualified confidence in the body of the nation, let us hasten to use them as the model for our other institutions.

How can I describe the delight with which, at the end of a few weeks, I presented, to the admiration of our people, of our King,

and of strangers, the National Guard of Paris, which for forty years had been my pride, and in truth my family, at length reviv ing, more brilliant and more numerous than ever, and with its gallant associates, the beautiful legions of the vicinity, exhibiting in the Champ de Mai a force of more than eighty thousand men. This was a delight which could be surpassed only by what I felt when, within a few days, I know that to the National Guard Paris owed its safety-the revolution, its unsoiled purity from crime. If one department, that of the Seine and Oise alone, has given me such enjoyments, what must have been my gratification at the reports from all the departmentsreports describing armies created, equipped, and disciplined, as if by miracle-in beholding myself throughout surrounded by the Deputies of all France come to assist in the second inauguration of their King, and who, in their affectionate confidence, made me the depository of their complaints upon general questions, or upon local grievances, and their mediator with the Government—a mediator, as it were, commissioned by the spirit of the great week. This duty I have discharged. I have expressed as freely as in the tribune my ardent-I may call them my impatient wishes-for the full realization of the programme published, while the blood of our six thousand patriot fellowcitizens still smoked upon the ground; and I have sought that at the earliest possible moment France should have a representation chosen subsequent to the rev

olution of 1830, and if I have the opportunity, in any discussion relative to the formation of the other Chamber, I shall contend for the principle of presentation of aspirant Peers to the King for his selection, in preference to the existing system. If I have scrupled to lend my name to the procrastination or the abandonment of measures which were in my opinion necessary, let not such hesitation be treated as urging coups d'etat, or as endeavoring to exercise upon others a dictation to which I myself would never submit, of which history will do me the justice to offer more than one proof.

But I had rather repeat what everybody knows-Frenchmen of all parties, and foreigners of all countries that if the constitutional order conquered in the great days-if the popular throne, raised by our hands, were even menaced-no matter from what side, the whole nation would rise to defend them.

In the painful moment of bidding an adieu, which I had thought was not so near, I offer to my dear brethren in arms my gratitude for their friendship, my confidence in their recollections, my prayers for their happiness, my admiration for what they have done, my foreknowledge of what they will yet do, and my hope that the calculations of intrigue or the interpretations of malice will not prevail in their hearts against me. Finally, I offer them all the feelings of tender affection which will not leave me until my last sigh.

LAFAYETTE.

Convention between His Britannic Majesty and the King of the French, for the more effectual Suppression of the Traffic in Slaves.

Signed at Paris, November 30, 1831.

The Courts of Great Britain and France being desirous of rendering more effectual the means of suppression which have hitherto been in force against the criminal traffic known under the name of the Slave trade,' they have deemed it expedient to negotiate and conclude a convention for the attainment of so salutary an object; and they have to this end named their Plenipotentiaries, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in due form, have signed the following articles:

ARTICLE 1. The mutual right of search may be exercised on board the vessels of each of the two nations, but only within the waters hereinafter described,-namely,

1st. Along the western coast of Africa, from Cape Verd to the distance of ten degrees to the south of the Equator,—that is to say, from the tenth degree of south latitude to the fifteenth degree of north latitude, as far as the thirtieth degree of west longitude, reckoning from the meridian of Paris.

2d. All round the island of Madagascar, to the extent of twenty leagues from that island.

3d. To the same distance from the coasts of the island of Cuba.

4th. To the same distance from the coasts of the island of Porto Rico.

5th. To the same distance from the coasts of Brazil.

It is, however, understood that a suspected vessel descried and begun to be chased by the cruizers whilst within the said space of twenty leagues, may be searched by them beyond those limits, if, without having ever lost sight of her, they should only succeed in coming up with her at a greater distance from the coast.

ART. 2. The right of searching merchant vessels of either of the two nations in the waters hereinbefore mentioned, shall be exercised only by ships of war whose commanders shall have the rank of captain, or at least that of lieutenant in the navy.

ART. 3. The number of ships to be invested with this right shall be fixed, each year, by a special agreement. The number for each nation need not be the same, but in no case shall the number of the cruisers of the one nation be more than double the number of the cruisers of the other.

ART. 4. The names of the ships, and of their commanders, shall be communicated by each of the contracting Governments to the other, and information shall be reciprocally given of all changes which may take place in the

cruisers.

ART. 5. Instructions shall be drawn up and agreed upon in common by the two Governments for the cruisers of both nations, which cruisers shall afford to each other mutual assistance in all circumstances in which it may be useful that they should act in con

cert.

The ships of war authorized to

exercise the reciprocal right of search shall be furnished with a special authority from each of the two Governments.

ART. 6. Whenever a cruiser shall have chased and overtaken a merchant vessel, as liable to suspicion, the commanding officer, before he proceeds to the search, shall exhibit to the captain of the merchant vessel the special orders which confer upon him, by exception, the right to visit her; and in case he shall ascertain the ship's papers to be regular, and her proceedings lawful, he shall certify upon the log-book of the vessel that the search took place only in virtue of the said orders: these formalities having been completed, the vessel shall be at liberty to continue her course.

ART. 7. The vessels captured for being engaged in the slavetrade, or as being suspected of being fitted out for that infamous traffic, shall, together with their crews, be delivered over, without delay, to the jurisdiction of the nation to which they shall belong. It is furthermore distinctly understood, that they shall only be judged according to the laws in force in their respective countries.

ART. 8. In no case shall the right of mutual search be exercised upon the ships of war of either nation.

The two Governments shall agree upon a particular signal, with which those cruisers only shall be furnished which are invested with this right, and which signal shall not be made known to any other ship not employed upon this service.

ART. 9. The high contracting

parties to the present treaty agree to invite other maritime powers to accede to it within as short a period as possible.

ART. 10. The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratification of it shall be exchanged, within one month, or sooner, if it be possible.

In faith of which, the Plenipotentiaries have signed the present convention, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms. Done at Paris, the 30th November, 1831.

GRANVILLE,
[L. S.]
HORACE SEBASTIANI, [L. S.]

Proclamation.

We, William, by the Grace of God, King of the Netherlands, Prince of Orange Nassau, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, &c., to all whom these presents shall come, greeting.

Divine Providence, which has deigned to accord to this kingdom fifteen years of peace with the whole of Europe, internal tranquillity, and increasing prosperity, has just visited the two provinces with numberless calamities, and the quiet of many adjoining provinces has been either troubled or menaced. At the first news of these disasters we hasten to convoke an extraordinary meeting of the States-General, which, according to the terms of the fundamental law, represent the whole people of Belgium, in order to concert with the Nobles the measures which the state of the nation and the present circumstances require.

At the same time our two beloved sons, the Prince of Orange, and Prince Frederick of the Neth

erlands, were charged by us to proceed to those provinces, as well to protect, by the forces placed at their disposition, persons and property, as to assure themselves of the real state of things, and to propose to us the measures the best calculated to calm the public mind. This mission, executed with a humanity and a generosity of sentiment which the nation will appreciate, has confirmed to us the assurance, that even when it is the most agitated it will preserve and proclaim its attachment to our dynasty, and to the national independence; and however our heart may be afflicted by the circumstances which have come to our knowledge, we do not abandon the hope, that, with the assistance of Divine Providence (whose succor we invoke upon this important and lamentable occasion,) and the co-operation of every well disposed man, and the good citizens, in the 'different parts of the kingdom, we shall succeed in restoring order and re-establishing the agency of the legal powers and the dominion of the laws.