СНАР.
LVI.

1784.

a representa

tion to the

King.

and a great part of his, and of several other eloquent speeches, cannot be known.

He began with a view of the critical condition of Mr. Fox moves the country, and of his own situation, displaying, in vivid colours, the state of the representative body, which was to be deluded or enslaved into obedience to the Crown and its secret advisers. As to the King's answer, he could not have thought it possible for any minister to put into the mouth of majesty such contradictions and such scandalous duplicity: there were passages in it big with danger to liberty. He could not have believed that Mr. Pitt had so deserted the constitution, that he would have dared so to insult the House, as again to ask for the reasons of their resolutions. Every beggar, in every arbitrary country, had a right to petition his King, stating the reasons of his petition; and this, forsooth, was the whole mighty privilege that the King was advised to allow. That the British House of Commons had often addressed, without stating their reasons, he shewed from several precedents. He should move, not an address, but an humble representation to his Majesty; for to that no answer was customary. All things considered, he said he did not intend to stop the supplies: that the country was ruined, and completely undone, was most clear. Public credit could not exist; and our foreign concerns must run to ruin: all this must be now obvious to

every man. For his part, far from stopping the supplies, he should press ministers to bring forward the public business: he would bring on his own amended India Bill; but if it was lost in the upper House, ministers were bound to produce some other new plan; and, indeed, every part of our public affairs cried aloud for their instant attention. In addition to these expressions, which sufficiently denoted chagrin and disappointment, Mr. Fox noticed the altered aspect of his party's influence in the House. He defended Mr.

and desired that all strangers might be ordered to withdraw. Many members interfered, and with great earnestness solicited the honourable Baronet to recede from his motion; but Sir James persevered, and the gallery was cleared accordingly.

Powys and Mr. Marsham, who would not abet the ministers in their resistance to the Commons; but some there were, who had agreed with him in the outset of the dispute, but who, as appeared by the decrease of the majorities, had gone over to the side of administration. It was some comfort to find that those who had come over to him were every way respectable; while those who had left him, were men of whose society no one was ever ambitious.

He moved a long representation to the King, testifying the surprise and affliction of the House on receiving the answer which his ministers had advised to their dutiful and seasonable address; and, after many severe reflections, asserted that they who had advised the answer had caused his Majesty to act in direct contradiction to his own assurances that he was ready to receive the advice of the Commons, by neglecting that advice, and retaining ministers, whose continuance in office they had so repeatedly and distinctly condemned. In conclusion, the House claimed their privilege of withholding supplies; and if, in consideration of the peculiar exigencies of the times, they should be induced to waive the exercise, in this instance, of their undoubted legal, constitutional right, they implored his Majesty not to impute their forbearance to any want of sincerity in their complaints, or distrust in the justice of their cause"

CHAP.

LVI.

1784.

Mr. Dundas vigorously opposed this representation, Mr. Dundas. and reprobated the principles it contained. He had long ago attempted to stop the House in their mad and desperate career; and he had been charged with audacity for the attempt; but he was determined again to step forth, and remonstrate against the absurdity, the utter impropriety, the inutility, and, at the same time, the danger and the mischief of the present motion. It was the final consummation of a monstrous system of outrage on the constitution. He lamented that Mr. Fox dared not in this, his manifesto, avow to the world those principles which he and others had dared to avow in their speeches. Why would he not claim for the House a right of negativing his Majesty's

CHAP.
LVI.

1784.

Other speeches.

Representation voted.

appointment of ministers, without giving a single reason? Why send it to his Majesty, forbidding at the same time any answer? Why not publish it to the world, after the manner of other manifestos, with a becoming title? and then counter declarations might be published, which would bring the matter to a fair issue. The right honourable gentleman had been prudent enough to insert in his manifesto that it was not the punishment, but merely the removal, of ministers that he wished: the world would at least give him credit for that part of the declaration; to get their places, they would readily believe, was all he wanted; and that he could give no reason why they ought to be turned out, and why he should come in, would as readily be believed.

Several other members joined in the debate; among them, Mr. Burke is said to have made a speech of two hours' duration; but not a sentence of it is preserved. Toward the conclusion, Sir Richard Hill recited some doggrell lines of his own composition, in which Mr. Fox was designated by an appellative then frequently applied to him, that of Carlo Khan. This aroused the indignation of Lord North, who said it was exactly that kind of nonsense about Carlo Khan which had misled the weak part of the country so strangely*.

On a division, the majority for the motion was only onet.

This name, I believe, originated in a humorous and very popular caricature, published before the rejection of the first India bill, entitled "Carlo Khan's triumphal Entry into Leadenhall Street." In front of the India House was seen a person, dressed in eastern robes, seated in state on an elephant; the beast bearing a striking resemblance to Lord North, the rider to Mr. Fox; while a hircarrah, equally like Mr. Burke, led the elephant. If the effect of these publications could be doubted, it is confirmed by the manner in which they are mentioned by Dr. Parr, in his celebrated preface to Bellendenus. He says, We often call those times to our remembrance, when they, who are very in'adequate judges of the delicate predicament of public affairs, could feed their "wondering eyes and fickle spirits by gazing at trifling pictures; when they "viewed as their opponents such a man as Pericles, marked by a trifling imper"fection, they called to their aid some Pausona, or some Bupalus. They were in "all respects equal to the work they had undertaken. By certain drawings, full of "malignant allusions, they effected that which has been related of Cleander, "whose sarcastic wit and ridicule alone removed a certain governor from the "administration of Egypt, who had really been guilty of no crime."-Parr's Works, vol. iii. p. 150. Beloe's translation, p. 77.

Grecian painters of caricatures.

† 191 to 190. Dr. Watson, Bishop of Landaff, in his Anecdotes, vol. i. p. 209,

CHAP.

LVI.

1784.

Other busines.

22nd.

This was, in effect, the last struggle made by the opposition. The supplies, which had been impeded for some short period, were finally granted; and the mutiny bill, notwithstanding some delays and some menaces, passed before the time when the former act would expire. Slight debates on minor points, such as Sawbridge's annual reform motion, and a bill for preventing bribery at elections, shewed that both sides of 22nd and 23rd. the House expected a speedy dissolution, although it was strenuously deprecated by the opposition. It could not, therefore, be termed a surprise, when his Majesty, Prorogation in a short speech, prorogued the session; announcing of Parliament. that he felt it his duty to the constitution and to the country to recur, as speedily as possible, to the sense of his people, by calling a new Parliament. A proclamation to that effect appeared on the following day.

66

66

66

expresses his opinion of these transactions in ample terms. "Mr. Pitt had, for "several weeks previous to its dissolution, continued in office in direct opposition "to the majority of the House of Commons. I looked upon this proceeding as establishing a dangerous precedent; for, though the House could not be justi"fied in censuring a minister who had done no act that was censurable, yet it "is to be dreaded that the precedent thus set, of continuing a minister in his place in opposition to a majority of the House of Commons, may hereafter be "resorted to by the Crown on occasions less justifiable. The numberless addresses, however, which were presented to the King against the coalition ministry, sufficiently shewed the sense of the people to be with Mr. Pitt. It was not so much the prerogative of the Crown which kept Mr. Pitt in his "place, and set the House of Commons at defiance, as it was the sense of the "nation; which, on this occasion, was in direct contradiction to the sense of the "House of Commons." He wrote a letter to Mr. Pitt, fully expressing these sentiments, and adds, "I had mentioned to Mr. Pitt, a little time before, the rescind"ing of these resolutions of the House of Commons, as the first business which "ought to be brought forward in the new Parliament; and he seemed at that "time wholly to agree with me in the propriety of the measure; but he changed "his mind, or was overruled by men more inclined to exalt the prerogative of "the Crown than to listen to the voice of the people, for nothing of the kind was "ever mentioned in the House of Commons." With all due respect to the Reverend Prelate, and without recurring to the causes he has assigned, it appears that Mr. Pitt acted most correctly. The votes in question did not, like those on the Middlesex election which were rescinded, affect any general public right; when they had passed, they had done their office; and neither their existence nor their revocation could be made a precedent by any party for any available purpose. A repeal of them would have looked like a puerile triumph: left as they are, they form only an historical fact; but, beyond what was personal in carrying them, do not afford matter for a single comment.

24th.

and dissolution

25th.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SEVENTH.

1784.

Importance of the late contest.-Effect of the anti-ministerial majority.-State of the House of Lords.-Firmness of the King. Conduct of the Prince of Wales-on the attempt at union of parties.-Public opinion.-Addresses to Mr. Pitt. Freedom of London presented to him.-His conduct. -Observations on the dissolution of Parliament.-Failure of the opposition party at the elections.-Contest for Westminster-scrutiny granted.--Return to the precept.—Meeting of Parliament.-King's speech.-Address of the Lords. -of the Commons.-Mr. Burke moves an address and representation.-Motion on the Westminster election. Mr. Fox-Mr. Pitt.-Motion negatived.-Observations of Mr. Adam-Mr. Pitt.-Mr. Fox's petition.-Other petitions.Counsel heard.-State of finances.-The budget.-Privilege of franking letters restrained.- Extent of smuggling.— Commutation Act.-Hovering Act.-Purchases of tea by the East India Company.- Arrear of the Civil List.— Affairs of the East India Company.-Temporary relief.— Mr. Pitt moves to bring in his bill for better government of India. Observations of Mr. Fox.-Bill brought in.—Motion for its going into a committee opposed. Speeches of Mr. Francis-Mr. Pitt-Mr. Fox-Mr. Dundas.—Expressions imputed to Lord Thurlow.-Bill passes.-Substance of its enactments. Observations.-Motion against Sir Elijah Impey-and Mr. Hastings.-Restoration of forfeited estates in Scotland-moved by Mr. Dundas-supported by the opposition members-opposed by the Lord Chancellorpassed. Prorogation.