CHAP. 1785. July 14th. April 18th. Mr. Pitt's mo tion for reform Efforts to create a feeling in the public. poses connected with elections. It was, as Mr. Pitt had predicted, opposed by Mr. Fox; but the debates produced only strong assertions on the one hand, that the scrutiny was illegal, and reprobated by all men; and, on the other, that it was perfectly legal, and that the proceedings in the House proved only that they were tired of it, as was shewn by their refusing to expunge the proceedings. A petition against the bill, from some electors of Westminster, was ordered to lie upon the table; but the prayer to be heard by counsel was refused*. By this act, polls were to be closed on the fifteenth day; the return to be made immediately, unless a scrutiny was granted, and in that case, in thirty days at the furthest after the close of the pollt. Long before the termination of this proceeding, Mr. Pitt had made his promised motion for a reform in of Parliament. the representation. From what has already been stated of the efforts made in Ireland on this subject, it will be anticipated that no supineness prevailed in England. Beside what was addressed to the volunteers, delegates, and other bodies in that country, and which, being published, addressed itself equally to the people of England, several intelligent and active persons, as well through the press as by private correspondence, endeavoured to stimulate the zeal of individuals and to create a general feeling in the public‡. Yet the people were not generally interested in the question. The propositions, which appeared to be plain and obvious in themselves, did not seem to bear the conclusions which were sought to be deduced; there was no longer, as on a former occasion, a great prevailing evil, an expensive and unsuccessful war, to serve as a topic for inflaming the public mind, and a languid indifference generally prevailed. * 55 to 18. + See the statute 25th Geo. III. c. 84. Also the Parliamentary History, vol. xxv. p. 913, et seqq. and the Journals, vol. xl. To conclude the narrative of the Westminster Election: Mr. Fox brought an action in the Court of Common Pleas against Mr. Corbett, the High Bailiff, and recovered two thousand pounds damages. Conspicuous among these were Major Cartwright, and that indefatigable advocate of reform, the Reverend C. Wyvill. His political papers on this subject are collected in five octavo volumes. There were also many anonymous pamphlets. CHAP. LVIII. 1785. Mr. Pitt introduced the business with a temperate, able, and eloquent speech. He was aware of the division of sentiment, and of the pertinacity with which some men adhered to opinions inimical to every species Mr. Pitt's of reform; who reverenced the constitution with su- speech. perstitious awe, and would not suffer the unhallowed hands of a reformer to repair the injuries which they acknowledged; who feared to touch the sacred fabric, as there was no foreseeing to what alarming heights they might progressively ascend, under the mask of reformation. He meant to establish, as a first principle, that the number of the House should remain unchanged, and that the reform of decayed boroughs ought not to be effected by disfranchisement. Having investigated at large the state of the representation of boroughs, its origin and progress, he declared his desire to provide, that certain numbers of those which were decayed should cease to return members; the fact of their coming within that description to be decided by the number of houses. The representatives taken from these should be transferred to the counties, beginning with those which most required additions. Seventy-two would thus be added to the county members, in due proportions; and this number should be fixed and unalterable. He did not intend to disfranchise the boroughs suddenly, or by violence, but, on their own application; and, for this end, a fund was to be formed for the purchase of the franchises: some would immediately, and all would ultimately, apply for the price of disfranchisement; for the sum proposed to be given would be left to accumulate until it formed an irresistible temptation. If any small boroughs still remained, they might, in like manner, surrender their franchises, and their rights should be transferred to populous and flourishing towns. He would add the copyholders to the electors in counties, which would give great additional energy to representation. His motion for leave to bring in a bill was seconded by Mr. Duncombe. In the debate, no regular coherence of the party Debate. could be discerned, except in occasional expressions CHAP. 1785. Mr. Powys. Lord North. Mr. Fox. Mr. Burke. which denoted that the habits of spirited contention could not, even for a moment, be subdued; Mr. Pitt was supported, not only by Mr. Dundas, the Attorneygeneral, and Mr. Wilberforce, but by Mr. Fox; but found, among his strenuous opponents, Lord North and Mr. Burke; to these were added Lord Mulgrave, Mr. Powys, and Mr. Bankes; Mr. Sheridan gave a silent vote for the motion. Mr. Powys considered the measure, not as one of any individual, but as an act of the government. Far from being a measure called for by the public, there were only eight petitions on the table. He would not treat the motion with any reserve or respect; its purposes were so hostile to the constitution, that he would give it a direct and unequivocal negative. Lord North's speech was luminous, and abounded in his usual strokes of wit; he descanted with great force on the small number of petitions; the absence of any from Birmingham, one of the places intended to be favoured with representatives; the thin attendance at a meeting in the city of London, where, although it was convened for the purpose, only three hundred were present; the exertions made by several persons, particularly the member for Suffolk and Mr. Wyvill, to get petitions, and with how little effect would easily be understood by comparing their success with the number presented against the Irish propositions. He gave the minister full credit for not intending, if he should prove successful, to go any further; but he could answer only for himself; other ministers might make what he had done a plea for doing more; and, again, others might continue reforming till there would be no end to innovation and experiment. Mr. Fox defended innovation, which, he said, should be more properly called amendment. It was the practice in every species of government, except absolute monarchy. In democracy and aristocracy, gradual improvement was always taking place, when experience came in aid of theory and speculation. Mr. Dundas having, for the first time on a question of reform, professed himself friendly to the measure, Burke, who, when subject, made a viIt offered, he said, was unsparingly ridiculed by Mr. CHAP. 1785. Mr. Bankes observed, that, although a friend to Mr. Bankes. reform, he must reprobate the present motion. Its absurdity was conspicuous; it declared that the right of voting in certain boroughs was not a property to be used in the way of traffic, and yet a sum was allotted for the purchase. Mr. Pitt acknowledged that this observation hurt Mr. Pitt. him more, as it proceeded from a friend. He defended this portion of his plan but feebly; it had become a necessary evil, if any reform was to take place. On a division, the motion was lost by a majority of Motion seventy-four*. rejected. It is remarkable that, in this protracted debate, Observations. which did not terminate till nearly four o'clock in the morning, no member who spoke in favour of the minister's plan pursued its different parts into their effective details, or hazarded a prediction that general good to the people or great satisfaction to any considerable portion could be the result. No such result was to be expected. They who had prepared their minds for annual parliaments and universal suffrage, would view this mitigated measure with contempt. Many, balancing the advantage to be gained against the evils to be incurred, would doubt whether the ex * 248 to 174. CHAP. 1785. periment could be worth its risque; and all who venerated the constitution, both in form and in practice, must shrink with terror from a plan which, although it would give no immediate satisfaction, would yet be a precedent for any innovation, however bold and extensive. A strenuous advocate for the measure undertook, after it had been rejected, to explain it to the public, in hope, as he said, that it would meet their full approbation and support; and that their general sense, conveyed to Parliament, next winter, in decent and respectful petitions, would obtain a legislative sanction. The number of voters throughout the kingdom, which would be acquired by this change, was calculated at ninety-nine thousand, of whom seventy-two thousand would be copyholders, dispersed through fifty-two counties. The benefit, therefore, to be thus obtained, would, if the statement were correct, be that of enabling this number of additional voters to assist in elections, from which they had before been excluded. But the number would be considerably diminished when it should be considered that women and trustees are often copyholders, but cannot vote; and that many persons in every county are freeholders as well as copyholders, and would therefore want no assistance to enable them to give their suffrages. It might be fit that copyholders should take their share in elections; but a measure of disfranchisement and compensation could hardly be called for, in order that so small a number should obtain this right. Other parts of the plan, which were not explained in Parliament, were disclosed in this publication. Ten thousand householders were to return four members for the parishes of Mary-le-bone and Saint Pancras. Seven thousand freeholders of London were to be made voters. Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, and Leeds, which were supposed to contain nine thousand householders, were to return six representatives; and Scarborough and other towns, in which the right of voting was to be thrown open, were estimated to contain seven thousand additional |
