CHAP. 1790. England. established principles. Their treatment of the princes of Germany, whose territorial privileges in the provinces acquired by France, long guaranteed by treaties, were taken away by the decrees of the fourth of August, and their avowed resolution to wrest Avignon, an ancient and undisputed possession, from the Pope, exhibited a fearful specimen of their probable conduct, when the acquisition of strength should enable them to realize their present projects. But there was much more reason to entertain serious apprehensions from the diffusion of the avowed principles of revolution,-a task which, in every country, was laboured by all who were dissatisfied with the general administration, or their own particular position; who hoped from change to derive undefined benefit, or who looked with malignant anticipation to the confusion and distress which would be produced by a general subversion. In England, where a general love of liberty was blended with a profound and sincere veneration for principles and establishments, bought with blood and endeared by length of possession, the furious progress of the French reformers was viewed, first with distrust, afterward with astonishment, and, at last, with horror. This feeling existed principally among the superior and more opulent classes, but it was acquiring daily strength; on the other side, a great number of active and vehement individuals entered fully into the views, and, without reserve, applauded all the measures of the French revolutionists, and the contest was carried on with so much vigour and determination, that patriot, democrat, and aristocrat, were terms as well known and as much used in London as in Paris. The preponderant influence of wealth and information was on the side of authority; but some men of great property were found to favour the system which in France had led to plunder and spoliation; and some noblemen of high extraction and ancient family avowed themselves democrats, and talked vauntingly of the majesty of the people. The revolution was regarded by many as a great crisis in the affairs, not of France alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of all the world. Wonderful effects were in many instances produced by means the most absurd, in the most ridiculous modes, and apparently by the most contemptible instruments. In viewing this strange chaos of levity and ferocity, and of all sorts of crimes commixed with all sorts of follies, opposite passions succeeded, and sometimes were blended with each other in the mind; contempt and indignation, laughter and tears, scorn and horror. Others surveyed this scene with sentiments of exultation and rapture, considering the proceedings in France only as a firm and temperate exertion of freedom, consistent on the whole with morals and with piety, deserving of present applause and replete with promise of future happiness. CHAP. LXIX. 1790. That Mr. Burke, from whose works the last period Mr. Burke. is principally derived*, should be the champion of those who opposed the revolution, excited surprise in many, and most in those who knew him but slightly, or considered him superficially. From his speeches and publications, during a long course of opposition, expressions and sentiments were easily and copiously selected, which could be made applicable to the popular cause; but a consideration of his whole course of life and conduct would shew him to be a strenuous advocate of liberty, and a zealous promoter of temperate reform; but, at the same time, a vigorous supporter of the British constitution, and all its general establishments in church and state, vigilantly guarding against the encroachments of direct tyranny and overwhelming influence; but never giving his sanction to the enterprizes of rash innovators or the schemes of interested agitators. Thus, while he was exercising the whole force of his genius and talents in defence of those whom he considered to be the victims of oppression in America, he did not display himself at any factious meeting or association to produce effects upon government by other means than the votes of Parliament; while he was urging, with indefatigable zeal, the cause of economical reform, he did not seek Burke's Works, vol. v. p. 39. CHAP. 1790. Different views tion party. the destruction of ancient and honourable institutions; nor could all the efforts of personal or party attachment induce him to favour that which he considered destructive of all constitutional establishments, the reform of Parliament*. On the difference of opinion between Mr. Burke of the opposi- and Mr. Fox on the great topic of the revolution being declared, two modes of conduct were pursued by dif ferent members of the opposition party. One portion, considering Mr. Burke as a weight upon their interests, and perhaps as an obstruction to their views of high personal consideration, appeared anxious to foment the dispute, and to prevent every attempt at reconcilement; another division, higher, more respectable, and clearsighted, foreseeing the evils which must ensue from disunion, were desirous, if possible, to find some middle proposition which might enable the whole body to act together. For this purpose a meeting was held at February 11th. the house of the Duke of Portland, at which all the really great and influential men of the party were present, and which lasted from ten o'clock at night till three in the morning. An inferior agent, giving himself credit for more influence than he ever possessed, has said, that this great and long-continued meeting was held for the purpose of endeavouring to reconcile Mr. Burke and Mr. Sheridan, and that he brought them together at Burlington Houset. But the attempt was not crowned with success. 1790. Meeting at the Duke of Portland's. * Mr. (Sir James) Mackintosh says, "The late opinions of Mr. Burke fur"nished more matter of astonishment to those who had distantly observed, than "to those who had correctly examined the system of his former political life. An "abhorrence for abstract politics, a predilection for aristocracy, and a dread of “innovation, have ever been among the most sacred articles of his public creed." Vindicia Gallicæ Introduction, p. 1. These are the very words in which Mr. Dennis O'Bryen relates the matter in a pamphlet, published in 1796, under the title of "Utrum Horum. The Government or the Country ?" p. 25, n. "It appeared to the author of this pamphlet that the difference between these two great men would be a great evil to "the country, and to their own party. Full of this persuasion, he brought them "both together the second night after the original contest in the House of Com"mons, and carried them to Burlington House, to Mr. Fox and the Duke of "Portland, according to a previous arrangement. This interview, which can never be forgotten by those who were present, lasted from ten o'clock at night "till three in the morning, and afforded a very remarkable display of the extra"ordinary talents of the party." This narrative was re-stated by Mr. Charles Mc. Cormick, Memoirs of Edmund Burke, p. 338; and by Mr. Moore, Memoirs of the Life of Sheridan, vol. ii. p. 107. CHAP. LXIX. 1790. intended Mr. Burke had long meditated a publication in which he would express, at large, his opinions on the French Revolution, its causes, progress, and the dangers with which it menaced civilized society. He had Mr. Burke's been retarded by many circumstances; the fastidious- publication. ness of his own taste, and that severe revision to which he always subjected his works; and, the varying aspect which the affairs of France derived from the debates and events of every day, while they amplified his matter, increased his hesitation, until his determination was fixed by an event which aroused his highest indignation. A political club had been formed, under the name of Revolution a Society for commemorating the Revolution in Great Society. Britain*. On Thursday, the fourth of November 1789, this society held their anniversary meeting at the London Tavern, under the presidency of Earl Stanhope. They went, in the course of the day, to a meeting-house Dr. Price's of Presbyterian Dissenters, in the Old Jewry, where discourse. ́Dr. Richard Price, already so well known by his publications during the American war, and others after that contest, delivered a sermon or essay, which he published under the title of "A Discourse on the Love of our Country." The general observations made by the Reverend Doctor would be open to much animadversion; but, although his sentiments on love of the country were very questionable, they probably would never have been drawn into notice, except by the professed reviewers of literature, had he not, in the course of his harangue, assumed that the Revolution of 1688 The Revolution Society is said to have existed ever since the event from which its name is derived; but its proceedings were undisturbed, and its very existence was generally unknown, until the thought occurred of applying to Parliament for a bill to establish a peculiar commemoration, the failure of which has already been mentioned (see Chapter 66). One anniversary had already been celebrated by the society, when Dr. Kippis delivered a prudent, temperate, yet eloquent and animated discourse. On the same day, Dr. Towers made an oration at the London Tavern, equally unexceptionable. These facts, when we consider the discourse of Dr. Price, uttered only twelve months afterward, show the prodigious and pernicious influence of the French Revolution. The Sermon and Oration were both published at the request of the Society: so was Dr. Price's Discourse. See an Abstract of the History and Proceedings of the Revolution Society, published by order of the Committee, 1789. + See A Letter to the Reverend Richard Price, on his Discourse, &c. written, with his usual force and elegance, by the Reverend William Coxe. CHAP. 1790. established, among other things, the right of the people of England to chuse their own governors, to cashier them for misconduct, and to frame a government for themselves. 66 Whether these opinions were approved or rejected, they were, at least, relative to the subject which the society professed to celebrate; but when the discourse had come to that point, where, as the orator expressed himself, the audience "might reasonably expect that it should close," he would not dismiss them, until he had recalled particularly to their recollection "the favourableness of the present times to all exer"tions in the cause of public liberty. What an event"ful period," he exclaimed, "is this! I am thankful "that I have lived to it; and I could almost say, " 'Lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, ""for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' I have lived "to see a diffusion of knowledge which has under"mined superstition and error. I have lived to see 66 thirty millions of people, indignant and resolute, "spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an "irresistible voice; their King led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects. After sharing in the benefits of one revolu"tion, I have been spared to be witness to two other "revolutions, both glorious. And now methinks I "see the ardour for liberty catching and spreading; "a general amendment beginning in human affairs; "the dominion of kings changed for the dominion of "laws; and the dominion of priests giving way to the "dominion of reason and conscience. Be encouraged, "all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its de"fence! The times are auspicious. Your labours have "not been in vain. Behold kingdoms, admonished by "you, starting from sleep, breaking their fetters, and 66 66 claiming justice from their oppressors! Behold the light you have struck out, after setting America free, "reflected to France, and there kindled into a blaze "that lays despotism in ashes, and warms and illumi"nates Europe! Tremble, all ye oppressors of the “world! Take warning, all ye supporters of slavish |