CHAP. LIV. 1783. Mr. Hartley corresponds with Dr. Franklin. March 12. April 19. negotiation 22nd July. by wild eagerness or imprudent sacrifices, but by liberality mingled with prudence, and by a firm tenaciousness of the rights of Great Britain, without too jealously precluding the claims of America. Mr. Hartley, with the approbation of the party who then expected to form the government*, opened a correspondence with his friend, Dr. Franklin, suggesting that, as there would be no material point for discussion in America after the British troops were withdrawn, that event might take place before the signature of the definitive treaty, and commissioners might then negotiate a provisional convention of commerce, to take place immediately. The leading points which he proposed in a treaty were, that all ports in both countries should be mutually opened, all prohibitory acts repealed, and British vessels admitted into American harbours on the same footing as before the war. was to be added, as a separate article, that the independence of America was not to be considered as creating Aliens; "but that the subjects of each country should mutually be considered as natural born, and intitled to all consequent rights and privilegest." It When the new ministry was established, Mr. Fox Wrote to Dr. Franklin, recommending Mr. Hartley to his full confidence; and a correspondence was continued until after the definitive treaty was signed. In this interval, it was found that a repeal of many statutes would be necessary before a commercial arrangement could be formed; and therefore a proclamation was issued, interdicting direct trade between America and the West Indies, which seems to have given great offence to Dr. Franklin, or at least to have afforded an opportunity of shewing his rancour. If the effect of the proclamation were not superseded by the definitive treaty, he said, it would be a matter worthy the attentive discussion of Congress, whether it would be most * This was the Coalition party. The letter was written during the ministerial interregnum. This very absurd notion, that a nation could be independent and not alien, enjoying all the privileges of subjects, but owning no allegiance, was, for a time, favoured by some politicians; but more exact and rational views were afterward adopted. 1 prudent to retort with a similar regulation, in order to force its repeal, which might probably bring on another quarrel, or let it pass without notice, and leave it to its own inconvenience, or rather impracticability in its execution, and to the complaints of the West India planters, who must, under the restrictions, pay dearly for the produce of America*. That this negotiation should be unsuccessful, can occasion little surprise, when it is recollected that we had to treat with Dr. Franklin, whose hatred of England and sympathy with France had so long been conspicuous. He affected to believe that the character of that court and nation was, of late years, considerably changed; that ideas of aggrandizement by conquest were out of fashion, and those of commerce more enlightened and generous than before; and he hoped soon to feel the prevalence of this system by the admission of his country to a great freedom of trade with her islands. At the same time that he expressed himself so satisfied with the friendly intentions and moderate views of France, he displayed opinions of a very opposite description respecting this country†. CHAP. LIV. 1783. Before the end of the year, a commercial treaty Dec. 25. between France and the United States was put in activity, through De La Fayette‡. "With respect to "the British Court," Franklin said, "we should, I 66 think, be constantly upon our guard, and impress "strongly upon our minds, that, though it has made "peace, it is not in truth reconciled to us, or to its loss "of us, but still flatters itself with hopes that some change in the affairs of Europe, or some disunion among ourselves, may afford an opportunity of reco"vering their dominion, punishing those who have "most offended, and securing our future dependence. 66 66 Letter from Dr. Franklin to Robert R. Livingstone, Esq.; Memoirs of Franklin, vol. ii. p. 434. He expressed the bias of his mind by a cogent illustration, when he compared the conflict of attachments in the Americans between Great Britain and France to that of the Sabine women, who abandoned their fathers and adhered to their husbands. Idem. Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 55. CHAP. 1783. Loyalists provided for by Great Britain. 66 "It is easy to see, by the general turn of the ministerial newspapers (light things indeed, as straws and fea"thers, but like them they shew which way the wind "blows), and by the malignant improvement their "ministers make in all foreign courts of every little "accident at Philadelphia, the resolves of some town "meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes, &c. &c.; all "which are exaggerated, to represent our governments as so many anarchies, of which the people themselves "are weary; the Congress, as having lost its influence, being no longer respected: I say it is easy to see, from "this conduct, that they bear us no good-will, and that they wish the reality of what they are pleased to imagine. They have, too, a numerous royal progeny to "provide for, some of whom are educated in the mili"tary line*." 66 66 66 66 Soon after the signature of the definitive treaty, the British troops evacuated Charlestown, New York, and the few other remaining posts. Sir Guy Carleton, for his services, received a peerage, with the title of Lord Dorchester. Congress literally fulfilled the terms of the provisional articles, by voting a recommendation of the loyalists in the very words of the treaty; but the manner of this cold recommendation was essentially different from those ardent recommendations which, in the beginning of the contest, impelled the colonists to war against the parent state; it was in course disregarded, and the care of providing for its meritorious objects devolved on the mother country. This was not to be wondered at, considering the feelings of antipathy entertained against them by Dr. Franklin, which he expressed in terms of contumelious malignity, and the probable diffusion of them among many, through the influence of passion, prejudice, and interestt. Claims were received, under the act passed in the late session, from about three thousand heads of families, two-thirds of which were heard and determined in England, the The above statement is derived altogether from the Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, vol. ii. p. 424 to 444. The latter extract is from a letter by Dr. Franklin to Thomas Mifflin, Esq., President of Congress, dated 25th December, 1783. Letter from Dr. Franklin to Baron Maseres; Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 80. remainder in Nova Scotia or Canada, whither commissioners were deputed. The grounds of remuneration were losses of real or personal estate, and of income arising from offices, professions, and trade. The amount of the first species of claims exceeded ten millions sterling, from which deductions were made in small proportions, leaving always to the sufferer means of independent subsistence; the liquidations were made by instalments, interest being in the mean time allowed on the capital*. The second class of claimants demanded a hundred and fifty thousand pounds a-year; about a hundred and twenty thousand of which were allowed, and vested in life annuities, from twenty to five hundred pounds each. СНАР. LIV. 1783. the American But, although the American states had obtained Condition of the desired boon of peace and independence, and Congress. secured, as public property, the spoils of the loyalists, they found their troubles not terminated, but varied. The Congress, it is true, was formed upon those principles from which some speculators expect to derive perpetual freedom, incorruptible and unvarying consistency: its members were elected annually, and could not be chosen more than three years successively, nor more than three years in seven; and any of them might be recalled at any time, whenever their constituents should be dissatisfied with their conduct. They were of the people, and returned to mix with the people, having no more durable pre-eminence than the different grains of sand in an hour-glass. Such an assembly could not become dangerous to liberty; they had no profitable appointments, but a mere payment of daily wages, scarcely equivalent to their expenses, so that, having no chance for great places and enormous salaries or pensions, as in some countries, there The deductions from the gross claims were made as follows: From sums not exceeding £10,000, no abatement; from £10,000 to 20,000, a small diminution, which was progressively augmented to the largest demands. Yet, after all drawbacks, some claimants received 50, some 70, and one £100,000. An unparalleled instance of magnanimity and justice in a nation which had expended nearly a hundred and sixteen millions in the war. CHAP. 1783. Of the army. could be no canvassing or bribery for elections*. Such were the high qualities attributed to this body by a republican writer, who was either blinded by prejudice, misled by speculation, or desirous to mislead the English gentleman to whom he addressed his observations. Another writer, not less ardently republican, gives an impression widely different, drawn from actual observation. The legislators, without remuneration or expectation, were with difficulty drawn together in numbers sufficient legally to transact business; but, if not numerous, the body was very contentious. Day after day was wasted on the most unimportant questions; and how should it be otherwise? the writer asks, in a body to which the people send a hundred and fifty lawyers, whose trade it is to question every thing, to yield nothing, and to talk by the hourt. From these contrasted opinions, it would fairly be inferred that the body alluded to, conferring on its members neither advantage nor dignity, its business languidly attended, and its debates rather displays of noisy cleverness, than of experience and wisdom, was not confidently to be looked up to for the formation of a just constitutional system, and the establishment of an exalted character among nations. The army, by which Congress had been enabled to attain their favourite objects, and who had encountered incredible hardships and privations, found themselves unrewarded and unpaid; and did not obtain even the means of a decent subsistence. With a perseverance and steadiness which cannot be too highly extolled, the army had sustained, during the whole war, fatigues and privations rarely to be paralleled. They saw their years wasting in the service, not only without the assurance of a future provision, but without even that which common justice would direct-a payment for their daily and long-continued toils. Congress, if disposed to do them justice, had not the means: they Franklin's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 77. † Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 49. |
