improvements at Monticello. He had, therefore, as far back as September, been decided on retiring at the end of the approaching session of Congress. But his party friends strenuously opposed this step, and he finally yielded to their wishes. With what feelings he did so, may be gathered from the following extract of a letter from him to his daughter, Mrs. Randolph, dated Jan. 26, 1793:

"I have for some time past been under an agitation of mind, which I scarcely ever experienced before, produced by a check in my purpose of returning home at the close of the session in Congress. My operations at Monticello had also been made to bear upon that point of time. My mind was fixed on it with a fondness which was extreme; the purpose firmly declared to the President, when I became assailed from all quarters with a variety of objections. Among these it was urged, that my retirement, when I had been attacked in the public papers, would injure me in the eyes of the public, who would suppose I either withdrew from investigation, or because I had not tone of mind sufficient to meet slander. The only reward I ever wished on my retirement was, to carry with me nothing like disapprobation of the public. These representations have, for some time past, shaken a determination which I had thought the whole world could not have shaken. I have not yet finally made up my mind on the subject, nor changed my declaration to the President; but having perfect reliance on the disinterested friendship of some of those who have counselled and urged it strongly, believing that they can see and judge better a question between the public and myself than I can, I feel a possibility that I may be detained here into the

summer.”

In February, 1793, Mr. Jefferson held a long conversation with the President on the subject of his retirement from the office of Secretary of State, either in the summer or autumn

of the present year, when he told the President, that as the bill for foreign intercourse would probably be rejected, and he should consequently be relieved from the embarrassments it was likely to cause him, he had no objection to continue in the office a while longer, provided no other arrangements had been already made.

The President replied, that so far from having made any, he had not even mentioned the subject to any one, until a few days before, when, having heard that Mr. Jefferson had given up his house in Philadelphia, he had spoken of it to Mr. Randolph. He expressed his satisfaction at this change of purpose, and his apprehensions that Mr. Jefferson's retirement would prove a new source of uneasiness with the public. He added, that he had that day learnt from General Lee of the discontent prevailing in Virginia, of which he previously had no conception: and he expressed his wish that Hamilton and he could coalesce in the measures of the government. That he had mentioned the same thing to Hamilton, who readily acceded to it, and thought such a coalition would meet the public approbation.

Mr. Jefferson rejoined, that his concurrence was less important than the President imagined; "that he kept himself aloof from all cabals and correspondence on the subject of the government;" that as to a coalition, if by that it was meant that either was to sacrifice his opinions it was impossible. They had both, no doubt, formed their conclusions after mature consideration; and principles, thus adopted, could not be given up. His wish was" to see both Houses of Congress cleansed of all persons interested in the bank or public stocks;" and that a pure legislature being obtained, he should always be ready to acquiesce in their determinations, even if contrary to his own opinions; for that he subscribed to the principle, " that the will of the majority, honestly expressed, should give law." He imputed the

discontents in the South to the belief that their interests were sacrificed to those of the Eastern states, by reason of a corrupt squadron of voters at the command of the treasury, whereby measures were carried which would have been otherwise rejected, of which an instance was furnished by the late assumption bill, that had been carried by the speaker's vote.

"The President then spoke of his remaining in office another term; he expressed the wretchedness of his existence while in office; dwelt on the late attacks on him for levees, &c.; explained how he had been led into them by the persons he consulted at New York; and that if he could but know what the sense of the public was, he would most cheerfully conform to it."

It appears from an anecdote which Mr. Jefferson relates, on the authority of Tobias Lear, the President's secretary, that General Washington had yielded a slow assent to the introduction of levees, and that it was finally left to Colonel Humphreys and others to settle the forms. "Accordingly, an antechamber and presence room were provided, and when those who were to pay their court were assembled, the President set out preceded by Humphreys. After passing through the antechamber, the door of the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys entered first, calling out with a loud voice, The President of the United States.' The President was so much disconcerted by the silly parade, that he did not recover himself the whole time of the levee ; and when the company was gone, he said to Humphreys, 'Well, you have taken me in once, but by G— you shall never take me in a second time.'"

In a cabinet consultation on the 25th, concerning a treaty with the Indians, when the right of the United States to cede any territory which they had previously acquired to the Indians was discussed, Mr. Jefferson considered that our

"right of pre-emption to the Indian lands did not amount to dominion or jurisdiction, but was merely in the nature of a remainder, after the extinguishment of a present right, which gave us no present right whatever, except that of preventing other nations from taking possession and so defeating our expectancy;" that the Indians had the full, undivided, and independent sovereignty as long as they chose to keep it, and this might be for ever; that as fast as we extend our rights by purchase from them, so fast we extend the limits of our society; that the executive, with either or both branches of the legislature, could not alien any part of our territory; that by the law of nations it was settled, that the amity and indivisibility of the society was so fundamental, that it could not be dismembered by the constituted authorities, except where their power was despotic, or was expressly delegated, and as our government had no claim on either of these grounds, it could not alienate any portion of territory once consolidated with us. But that as we had a right to sell and settle lands once comprehended within our lines, so we might forbear to exercise this right, until some future day; and this he was willing to do on the present

occasion.

Hamilton and Randolph thought that we might cede to Indians though not to others, because the cession only restored the land to those from whom we bought it.

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CHAPTER XVII.

Questions arising on the War between France and England. Views of the Cabinet. Mr. Jefferson's argument that the United States were not absolved from their treaties with France by its Revolution-it prevails with the President. His letters to Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe on the neutrality of the United States. Arrival of Citizen Genet, the French Minister-his reception. Rights of France under the Treaty of Commerce. Mr. Jefferson's correspondence with the French Minister. Genet's intemperate and offensive course -- his recall the popular feeling in his favour.

1793.

THE 3rd of March, 1793, completed the constitutional term of the second Congress, as well as closed its session; and, on the following day, General Washington entered on his second presidential term, to which he was again elected by an unanimous vote. Mr. Adams, having the next highest number of votes, was elected vice-President; but the states of New York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia gave their votes to Mr. Clinton of New York. Mr. Jefferson received the four votes of Kentucky; and without doubt he would have received those of Virginia, if her electors had been permitted by the constitution to vote for two of her citizens, as president and vice-president.

Early in April, the executive received the intelligence that France had declared war against England; and the President, who was then at Mount Vernon, hastened his return to Philadelphia, and the day after he arrived there. he submitted to each member of his cabinet a series of propositions in writing, respecting the course it would be