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and burdens in reference to the protective system, and a thorough reformation of the government and restoration of the constitution to its primitive principles, which he deemed necessary to the preservation of the country, could not be realized in any other way, he turned his attention from that time to the sovereignty of the states and their reserved rights as the only certain means of effecting these objects, the salvation of our institutions, and of the union. The result was, that view of our system which recognizes in each state, as a sovereign party to the political compact, a right to declare an act of congress, which it believes to be unconstitutional, to be null and void, and of course not obligatory upon its citizens, and to arrest the execution of such an act within its limits. This doctrine, which was rendered so unpopular under the name of nullification, is maintained to be clearly contained in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, and is more fully stated and carried out in the discussions to which it gave rise in the controversy between South Carolina and the general government. In these discussions the papers prepared by Mr. CALHOUN, constitute a striking part.

The first of these papers attributed to him, is the exposition of the South Carolina legislature in the session of 1828, in which a full and very original view is taken of the relations between the states and the general government, and the operation of the protective system as affecting unequally the two great sections of the union. This was followed, in 1830, by a statement drawn up by Mr. CALHOUN, containing his opinion on the relations between the state and the general government, in deference to public opinion, which seemed to demand an exposition of his views on a subject which then began so deeply to agitate the country. The open avowal of doctrines then considered by many as little short of treason, which he knew would separate him from many of his political friends, on a conviction of duty, and without regard to the effect it would have upon his popularity, required a firmness of purpose and a deep and solemn sense of duty which few possessed. Subsequently, at Governor Hamilton's request, he addressed him a letter in which the subject is more amply discussed, and which acquired for Mr. CALHOUN a reputation for ability and candor even among those who did not approve his doctrine.

The payment of the public debt, without a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff, brought on a crisis which will long be remembered. South Carolina carried out her doctrine; a convention of the people was called in their sovereign capacity, and the protective acts declared unconstitutional and therefore void, and no law. At the call of his

state, Mr. CALHOUN resigned his office of vice-president of the United States, and was elected senator in congress, and took his seat in that body to defend her cause, which he believed to be the cause of liberty and the constitution. His re-appearance, after so many years, on the floor of a deliberative body, was under circumstances the most trying that can be conceived. He and his colleague stood almost alone. The cause was universally unpopular, and regarded as synonymous with disunion and treason. Under these circumstances, with all the disadvantage of not having spoken in a public assembly for more than sixteen years, he had to meet the joint array of the talents, both of the administration, and of the opposition.

In this trying juncture he acquitted himself so well, that the tide of public opinion which so strongly set against him at the beginning of the session turned in his favor, and those not convinced by his arguments, felt at least a conviction of his sincerity, integrity, and patriotism. The contest was mainly between Mr. CALHOUN and the distinguished senator from Massachusetts, Mr. Webster, the principal point in issue between whom was finally reduced to the naked question, whether our constitution is, or is not a compact between the states, the latter admitting that if it be a compact, the doctrines contended for by the former followed as necessary consequences. Mr. CALHOUN'S conduct gave entire satisfaction to his constituents, and paved the way for the eventual success of the principles of free trade.

It is not possible that we can here fully describe the labors or the speeches of Mr. CALHOUN on the subjects of the bank, the repeal of the force bill, the reception of petitions on the abolition of slavery, the public lands, the treasury law, the tariff, the Ashburton treaty, and many other subjects, up to the time of the resignation of his seat in the senate, in 1843. Neither can we discuss his conduct in reference to the annexation of Texas, after he had been called by President Tyler to the high office of secretary of state, made vacant by the calamitous death of Mr. Upshur. Nor does it comport with our plan to expatiate on his resignation of that office, his declinature of a mission to England, or his return to the senate as the result of the earnest desires of the whole South. These, and his final labors on the subject of slavery, are all too well known to need that another line should be added to this sketch of his leading actions as a politician. It has been well said that his public acts need not be detailed, for they will be woven into the history of the nation; nor need we enumerate his orations, for they have become a portion of American literature.

A life of vigorous and incessant labor might well bring Mr. CALHOUN

at sixty-eight into a state of rapid decay. The slavery question was the last subject which occupied his public life, and his last attempt was made in seeking an alteration of the constitution on this subject. He had an unconquerable dread that the South would be driven to secede from the Union. He was compelled to retire from the senate hall to die. His friends visited him to see how intense and earnest thought had brought down the frail body to ruin and death.

Dr. John B. Calhoun, who is an eminent physician, was in constant attendance on his honored father for several weeks previous to his death, and was kindly aided by the almost filial friendship of many of the most eminent members of the profession. On the 30th of March, 1850, it could no longer be doubted that the hours of the great statesman were numbered; but though more restless and weak than he had ever before been, he sat up about two hours during the day, and talked on the topic which absorbed his mind. Soon after midnight, his breath became so heavy as to alarm his son, and his pulse was very low, but he refused to take any more stimulants; at about two o'clock, he called his son, to whom he held out his arm, and remarked that there was no pulsation at the wrist. He gave several directions as to his watch and papers, and in reply to an inquiry, said, "I am perfectly comfortable." These were his last words. Shortly before six o'clock on the morning of the 31st, he made a sign to his son to approach his bed; and extending his hand, he grasped that of his son, looked him intently in the face, and moved his lips, but was unable to articulate. Other friends were summoned to his bed-side, who saw him perfectly conscious of his condition, his eyes retained their brightness, and his countenance its natural expression. Thus he drew a deep inspiration, his eyes closed, and his spirit passed calmly to its home.

Judge Butler, his friend and colleague, impressively announced his death in the senate; and affecting addresses were also made by his great rivals in talents and fame, Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster. On the 2d of April, the funeral ceremonies were performed; and his remains, accompanied by a committee of the senate, were conveyed to Charleston, where a whole people met them in tears. His body was committed to the dust, but the creations of his mighty mind yet live to bless his country, and to call forth its gratitude.

Mr. CALHOUN was married in May, 1811, to a cousin, Miss Floride Calhoun, the daughter of John Ewing Calhoun, formerly a senator in congress, from South Carolina. They had a numerous family. Mrs. Calhoun survived her husband, and was much admired for the quiet, unassuming, but dignified ease of her manners, and is remembered with

affection and regret, by the private circles of Washington, once adorned by her presence, but from which she also has been forever withdrawn by the hand of death.

As a man, Mr. CALHOUN presented a tall and commanding person, slender but firm; his features were singularly harsh and angular, so that Harriet Martineau described him as the cast iron man, "who looked as if he had never been born;" his forehead was broad, tolerably high and compact, denoting the mass of brain behind it; and his eyes, which presented the most striking peculiarity about him, were large, brilliant, and dark blue in color. When in repose he seemed unfeeling, or at least lost in abstraction; but when excited, the fire of genius blazed from his eye, and every feature showed thought and character strongly defined. He had none of the cautious reserve and mystery of common politicians; but was accessible, instructive and eloquent in his conversation. Until he had passed his grand climacteric, he wore his hair tolerably short, and brushed it back so that it stood erect on the top of his head, as in our portrait, but towards the close of his life he allowed it to grow long, and to fall in heavy masses over his temples.

"His character," says Mr. Jenkins, his biographer, "was marked and decided, not prematurely exhibiting its peculiarities, yet formed and perfected at an early age. He was firm and prompt, manly and independent. His sentiments were noble and elevated, and everything mean or groveling was foreign to his nature. He was easy in his manners, and affable and dignified. His attachments were warm and enduring; he did not manifest his affection with enthusiastic fervor, but with deep earnestness and sincerity. He was kind, generous and charitable; honest and frank; faithful to his friends, but somewhat inclined to be unforgiving to his enemies. He was attached to his principles and prejudices with equal tenacity; and when he had adopted an opinion, so strong was his reliance upon the correctness of his own judgment, that he often doubted the wisdom and sincerity of those who disagreed with him. He never shrunk from the performance of any duty, however painful it might be,—that it was a duty, was sufficient for him. He possessed pride of character in no ordinary degree, and, withal not a little vanity, which is said always to accompany true genius. His devotion to the South was not sectional, so much as it was the natural consequence of his views with reference to the theory of the government; and his patriotism, like his fame, was coëxtensive with the Union."

In all his domestic relations the life of Mr. CALHOUN was without a

blemish. His habits, like those of most truly great men, were all simple. When at home, he was an early riser, and, if the weather allowed, took a walk over his farm. He breakfasted at half past seven, and then retired to his study, and wrote till three. After dinner he read or conversed with his family till sunset, then he took another walk till eight o'clock, when he took tea, and passed the time in conversation or reading, and at ten, retired to rest. His social qualities were endearing and highly fascinating, especially to young people.

As an orator, he stood in the first rank of parliamentary speakers. On first rising in debate, he seemed to feel the anxiety of diffidence which is almost always the companion of genius. He usually began in a manner calm and impressive, but was soon roused, and became energetic, stern, erect, and loud, showing the power of a giant. His voice was shrill, and his eyes glistened like coals of fire. A steady flow of words came from his lips, and intense earnestness marked his delivery. In listening to him, every one felt that he was sincere, so that it was impossible to hear him without being moved. His mind was amply stored with the fruits of learning, but still more with those of observation and reflection; hence originality, depth, and power characterized all his efforts.

As a statesman, in the most enlarged and elevated sense of the term, he had no superior. His course was independent and high minded. Principles were regarded by him as practical things; he was firm in adhering to them, and fearless in attacking error. He was no mere theorist, but clearly foresaw results; not given to change, nor fond of startling novelties. To the highest intellectual powers, he united those elevated moral qualities which are as important as talent itself to complete the character of a statesman-inflexible integrity, honor without a stain, disinterestedness, temperance and industry. He had a firmness of purpose which disdained to calculate the consequences of doing his duty. "I never know," he would say, "what South Carolina thinks of a measure. I never consult her. If she approves, well and good. If she does not, or wishes any one else to take my place, I am ready to vacate. We are even." In a word, Mr. CALHOUN always showed prudence and energy in action, devotion to his country, and an inextinguishable love of liberty and justice.

A writer in the "Gallery of Illustrious Americans" says, "Three obstacles have lain between this great man and the presidency. The first has been the earnest and unconquerable independence of his character, which has left him without a national party. The second, has

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