1812. COALITION AGAINST MADISON. 369 ranked as Republicans. De Witt Clinton, slight as his national experience had been, had great strength in his own powerful State, where he had seen much service. Young, audacious, enterprising, of fine executive ability, an adroit political manager, he possessed all the family aspirations, and by his uncle's death had fallen heir to all the family pretensions to the Presidency. A Republican caucus of the New York legislature pitted this candidate against Madison as a better war magistrate, a man who represented the neglected Northern and commercial section; and, moreover, one whose selection would afford a popular protest against Congressional caucuses. Of this form of Congressional dictation the people, doubtless, were tiring. It was one thing to name the idol of the party, and another to arbitrate between rivals with claims for preferment nearly equal. While appointing a committee of correspondence and arrangements, one for each State, Madison's nominators had taken pains to announce that they nominated only in their individual capacity. The insidious dangers of such a system were exposed by Clinton's supporters as boldly now as those of Monroe had exposed them four years before.* But what better system did these men propose? The cooperation of State legislatures in such matters was impracti cable. If New York named Clinton, Virginia and Pennsylvania had already named Madison. Objectionable as it was, this caucus machinery was kept in use for another generation. of Presidents, and until a better substitute appeared. Towards Clinton gravitated the Middle State elements hostile to Madison and Gallatin, men jealous of Virginia domination, and party malcontents generally. A more difficult feat for those ranking as Republicans and patriots was to secure the essential aid of the peace party; or, in other words, of the vitalized remnants of Federalism. Some peace men felt persuaded that England stood ready to make fair terms, and others, more implacable, were for fighting only in defence under any circumstances, or not for fighting at all. New York Federalists were conciliated by the passage of a bill in the New York legislature, chartering the State "Bank of America,” with a * See infra, pp. 169, 170. capital of $6,000,000 ;* a bill procured by a coalition of Clinton's friends and theirs, by whose aid Clinton's magnificent State project, the Erie Canal, was to be developed. Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury under Washington and Adams, became president of this institution. A secret meeting of Federalists in New York city from all the States Sept. north of the Potomac, and from South Carolina, adopted Clinton as the party candidate for President; and, to complete the alliance, Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, a moderate Federalist, was mutually selected for Vice-President. This coalition was an alarming one, testing the popularity of the war and the administration to the utmost. Governor Tompkins, whose voice was for vigorously prosecuting a war the nation had once entered upon, could not hold New York State for Madison against such odds; the bank bill, too, had passed, despite his own opposition. New Jersey, also, renounced the war party at the polls, its legislature presently taking sides with Massachusetts and Connecticut. In Maryland the administration was seriously weakened by the excesses of the Baltimore rioters and assaults of Madison's personal enemies. North Carolina wavered. Had this last-named State, together with either Vermont or Ohio, met Federal expectations, the regular Republican nominees would have been overthrown. But that expectation was disappointed. Vermont's electoral vote was cast for Madison and Gerry. That of Maryland, being polled by districts, became divided between the chief candidates. Pennsylvania, with Governor Snyder, stood unflinchingly by the national administration. With these exceptions the Clinton coalitionists carried New England and the Middle States to the Potomac, and there stopped. Virginia bristled for Madison and war, with the united South and West behind her. In a word, the electoral count gave Madison 128 to Clinton's 89, and Gerry 131 to Ingersoll's 86. This settled the war question; and De Witt * Afterwards reduced to $4,000,000; 6 Hildreth, 299. + In most States the choice of electors was this year by general ticket at the poll; but in Vermont and New Jersey the legislature voted for electors. See Tables of Electoral Votes, Appendix. 1812. MADISON IS RE-ELECTED. 371 Clinton, whose canvass had left him swinging perilously between peace and pacific modes of war, found never again a national footing; though, as the liberal benefactor of his native State, already fast rising to the foremost rank in the Union, a public renown was reserved for him more accordant with the fame and antecedents of his illustrious family. Nov. 2. Congress, whose second session commenced November 2d, passed the first weeks in anxious suspense. But after Madison's re-election became assured, the new war bills were rapidly advanced in the calendar. These war bills contemplated (1), enlarging the navy; (2), reorganizing and reinforcing the army. Dec. 8. (1.) The enlargement of our navy was the irresistible sequence of those gallant victories by sea, which so agreeably surprised the old-school Republicans, Jefferson not excepted. Hull, and his brave officers of the Constitution, received the honor of a naval ball at Washington. The peerless "Lady Madison" was present, attended by the family of Secretary Paul Hamilton. Just as the dancing began, arrived the official news of Decatur's victory, brought to Washington by Decatur's own messenger, the son of Secretary Hamilton. Entering the ball-room with hurried pace, the ensign of the Macedonian in his hand, and Captains Hull and Stewart attending him, this young lieutenant laid the British trophy at the feet of the President's wife, who received it like a queen, while his mother and sister clung about him, and the guests applauded in wild excitement. The enthusiasm of this scene, which the limner's art might well reproduce in canvas, was presently imparted to Congress, and a bill for four new 74's, and six first-class frigates speedily passed, as the pledge of a permanent navy. Later in the session six sloops-of-war were authorized, besides provision for a suitable light fleet upon the lakes.§ By this title Mrs. Madison was frequently styled like her predecessor, the wife of the first President. See William W. Seaton's Memoirs. Act of January 2, 1813. (2.) To reorganize and reinforce the army, called out more open opposition in Congress. Experience did not commend the volunteer system; for, like the militia quotas that disaffected governors had kept back, volunteer troops were too much under a precarious State influence for their essential discipline; and statutes giving them the choice, moreover, of their own officers, they were still more like mobs in motion. The volunteer acts of the previous session were therefore repealed; and, instead of such a force, the President was authorized to raise twenty new regiments of twelve months' regulars.* Greater inducements were held out to the long term recruits, who had come in very slowly;† and acts passed for better organizing the commissary and quartermaster departments and the general staff, and for increasing the number of field officers.§ 1813. Jan. 5. The debate of the bill for twelve months' regulars in the House took a latitude of discussion which embraced the whole policy, foreign and domestic, of Madison's administration. John Randolph and Pitkin ably and strenuously opposed an army increase, and the whole paraphernalia of offensive military war. But Quincy, in an angry speech, arraigned the administration and war party far more bitterly, and in a strain of studied invective which has seldom been equalled on the floor of Congress in the quality of producing exasperation; for even Randolph's venom was darted right and left as though without premeditated assault. The invasion of Canada this son of New England declared a wanton and wicked act, by which we visited with fire and sword innocent and unoffending neighbors for the offences of a nation three thousand miles distant; a projected conquest from which all Britain's concessions could not divert our government, but which, if ever accomplished, would be, he solemnly forewarned the American people, the conqueror's personal *Act of January 29, 1813. In the Civil War of 1861, a State volunteer system, better devised, was found indispensable for drawing out the full military resources of loyal States. † Act of January 20, 1813. Act of March 3, 1813. Act of February 24, 1813. 1813. QUINCY AND CLAY. 373 spoil, and not theirs. Nor was it this mode of warfare alone which angered him, but the official toad-eaters and young cackling politicians who favored it; the "mangy hounds of recent importation," who were kept in pay to hunt down all who opposed the court; the Cabinet whose councils had for twelve years been directed by two Virginians and one foreigner, and whose main scope was and had been to perpetuate the Monticellian dynasty and its destined line." If," concluded Quincy, "the people of the Northern and Eastern States are destined to be hewers of wood and drawers of water to men who know nothing about their interests, and care nothing about them, I am clear of the great transgression. If, in common with their countrymen, my children are destined to be slaves, and to yoke in with negroes, chained to the car of a Southern master, they, at least, shall have this sweet consciousness as the consolation of their condition, they shall be able to say, 'Our father was guiltless of these chains.'"* Quincy's chagrin had been great at the outcome of the Presidential elections; and having found it imprudent to risk a personal defeat for the next Congress,-his recent course having lessened his popularity at home,-he reckoned this speech to be, as indeed it proved, his last great effort in the national arena. This parting malediction of the ablest debater on the Federal side dropped like a bomb upon the carpet. But Clay coolly picked it up, and hurled it back Jan. 8. before it could explode injuriously. In a speech, one of the most eloquent he ever made in his life, this son of Kentucky vindicated the Cabinet and administration party, and justified the war. An adjournment divided his oration; which, on the first day, was chiefly devoted to the personalities of a reply, and on the second to the main issue. Reviewing, in such order, the inconsistencies of an opposition band whose voice was first for war and no restrictions while the administration sought peace, and next for peace and restrictions when the administration was for war,-of parasites throwing out the idea of French influence, "which is known to be false, and which ought to be met in one manner only, namely, by the lie * See Annals of Congress; Columbian Centinel, February 6, 1813. |