April 27. ships of war Eaton led an assault upon the town, which was gallantly captured. But soon it was ap parent that Hamet had not the resources for maintaining his sovereignty. The Derne expedition cost the United States $40,000, and Commodore Barron felt disinclined to co-operate further on his own responsibility. There was a rumor, too, that Joseph intended putting the American captives to death. Accordingly, with Barron's advice, Lear, the American consul-general for Algiers, who had long before been designated as commissioner to conclude a treaty of peace, used the victory at Derne and the threatened attack upon Tripoli to close terms with the ruling Bashaw. Under this treaty, to which we have already referred, it was stipulated that Hamet should be induced to retire, escaping, however, unharmed, and with his wife and children, now in Joseph's power, to be delivered up to him.* Affairs had not proceeded happily with Spain; and in Europe, where France had reopened an aggressive war by moving against Austria, grave complications were in progress. Jefferson endeavored in vain to make a peaceable adjustment of boundaries in good season. Louisiana, as claimed by the United States, extended, we have seen, on the southeast as far as the Perdido, with the Bravo del Norte for the southwestern limit; but Spain would have restricted our territory to a narrow strip above the mouth of the Mississippi, terminating on the eastward at Lake Pontchartrain and the Iberville. Spain's claim, arrogantly maintained, was now secretly encouraged by France; our propositions for an amicable adjustment of boundaries were not agreed to, and the Spanish authorities undertook to strengthen their position in the disputed territory by sending troops and colonists thither. An act of Congress for the collection of duties, comprehending in terms the port of Mobile, the Spanish government remonstrated against this as an insult. Meanwhile, a convention negotiated in 1802 for the mutual adjustment of spoliation claims Spain refused to ratify pending the present misunderstanding. Morales was offensive; and as for D'Yrujo, who tried to bribe a paper in * See Annals of Congress; Executive Documents; 5 Hildreth. + See Monroe Correspondence, 1807. 1805. FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS. 95 Philadelphia to advocate the Spanish view of the boundary question, it was found needful to ask his recall. Monroe, proceeding from London on his deferred mission to Madrid, tried to compose these differences. At the time of the Louisiana purchase he had been assured, through Talleyrand, of Napoleon's good offices with Spain concern- Nov. 1804. ing the Floridas; and passing through Paris when the coronation ceremonies took place, he there made formal request for assistance, setting forth the American claim of boundaries. Talleyrand's response was unfavorable, supporting Spain's existing claims to all the territory eastward of the Iberville, and deprecating violence on our part to procure more. Napoleon's influence was so powerful with Spain as almost to be decisive of the case; and Jefferson found it of no avail to hold out the spoliations as a grievance, or to permit an abatement on the west for the sake of Spain's concession east to the Perdido.† * Dec. Aug. 1805. Our government became seriously disposed to accept a war with Spain; and Jefferson, having asked the written opinións of his Cabinet on the subject, inclined to suspend intercourse altogether with Spain, and dislodge the new Spanish settlers. West Florida appeared essential to the United States for the sake of Mobile and its bay. The tone of the New Orleans press was warlike against Spain.§ But news from abroad, in the fall of 1805, made it certain that the European war would be protracted; there was no danger of being left alone to cope with both France and Spain; money was needed abroad; and the fear that the United States would, if angered, throw her weight to the side of Great Britain, might yet induce Spain, whose Mentor was Napoleon, to part with the Floridas. at a fair price. One more effort at a peaceable accommodation, the President thought, would now be worth making.|| * Monroe Correspondence, 1804. † Ib. Madison's and Jefferson's Writings, Sept. 1805. For Gallatin's opinion, see Adams's Gallatin, 334. He was for gaining time by negotiation, and with an improving revenue, gradually increasing the efficiency of the navy. See Madison's Writings, Nov. 1804 See Adams's Gallatin, 336; Jefferson's Works. To a friendly arrangement with these powers the administration was further impelled by the accounts which now came of increasing aggressions on the part of Great Britain. Under the Addington ministry, and shortly after Jefferson's first accession to the Presidency, such were the marks of British friendship and good will exhibited towards this country that Jefferson wrote minister King, with his own hand, a letter to signify his appreciation.* But upon Pitt's return to power all such tokens ceased. And just as our administration was reflecting whether a close treaty with Great Britain might not be desirable in case France and Spain continued to oppose a settleSept. ment of the Louisiana boundaries, American merchants learned with alarm of some now decisions in the British admiralty which exposed their neutral commerce to seizure and condemnation. Excited meetings were held at the seaport towns to protest against these unexpected decisions, which in effect established that property imported to a neutral country for the purpose of being exported again to a belligerent one was an evasion of the rule of 1756, even though the goods had been landed, and paid duties, and were re-exported in the neutral port. Indeed, Great Britain and the British merchants chafed greatly at the drain which war made upon her commerce. Neutral nations, of whom the United States was chief, were now absorbing the carrying trade of Europe, and were likely to do so while the European war lasted. American receipts from customs at this time exceeded all former estimates, and were constantly rising; a means of enrichment at the loss of the belligerents, which, to them, was a constant source of disquiet. Britain was still the mistress of the ocean, and had prevented the Baltic code from taking effect, which permitted neutrals to trad freely, except as to contraband. Enemy's property might be seized, therefore, if found in a neutral vessel beyond neutral jurisdiction; and now the new admiralty condemnations branded property as hostile which had hitherto escaped the penalties, and gave a dangerous latitude to the investigation of ownership. The trade thus far profitable to * See 7 Jefferson's Works, 23, July 1st, 1813. 1805. FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS. 97 our merchants consisted chiefly in carrying West India produce from the United States to Europe, under the modifications of the rule of 1756 hitherto recognized by British. orders in council. This trade earned two freights, and came to our merchants almost on their own terms; under it American vessels became the usual medium of commerce between France and Spain and their colonial possessions. This was a commerce built, as it were, on the ruins of European prosperity. To involve this young republic in war with three European powers at once, none of whom respected neutral rights sincerely, while all suffered by our gain, was no part of Jefferson's policy. Negotiation must first be exhausted, besides which it was sound policy to gain time in order to prepare for war. But how shall adequate war preparations be made in advance of a positive danger? A popular government, like that of the United States, fails in nothing more surely than foresight and forehandedness in measures which involve vast outlay; war is avoided so sedulously in the midst of present prosperity that cowardice and a craven spirit will be readily imputed to such a people until the first disadvantageous shock brings them to their feet resolved to conquer. And the present administration, bent upon popularity, pursued the pacific, temporizing course, and avoided offensive preparations so constantly as to make it seem almost despicable to those who had attributed o nations the duellist's sensitiveness to affronts, and wished every injury repelled by force. Intending to preserve as strict neutrality as possible during the European contest, Jefferson nevertheless believed himself capable of winning what he most desired from either France or England by simply balancing between them, and threatening the one, if need be, to throw himself into the arms of her rival; and seeking no more for the United States than what was right at any time he thought he could persuade these belligerents that it was for their interest to grant it. In point of fact, however, the rising prosperity of the United States incited the enmity of the belligerents; they perceived that so immense a commerce had but a trifling navy to protect it, and both Fran and Eug VOL. II.-9 land meant to plunder unless America could be converted into an active ally. Dec. 2. In this threatening aspect of our foreign relations the assembling of the Ninth Congress and the President's opening message were awaited by the public with unwonted interest. The administration majority was very large in both Houses; indeed overwhelming, yet chiefly made up of new and middle-rate men. Federalists would have missed Griswold from the Representatives' Hall but for a new member from Boston, Josiah Quincy, who mastered his opportunity of supplying, what the irresponsible minority stood most in need of, a powerful debater. Bayard had now passed to the Senate, where Samuel Smith and Giles were the Republican champions; Giles, however, being absent during most of the first session. In the House Macon was re-elected speaker, but only by a bare majority, and after three ballots; for the Northern Republicans voted for Varnum, of Massachusetts; growing impatient of Southern domination and disliking especially the capricious John Randolph, to whom they thought Macon too subservient. The President's message, which related chiefly to foreign relations, appeared spirited and strong. Peace, it was observed, had been secured with Tripoli, but the conduct of other powers rendered a new war quite probable, for which due preparations should be made. The defence of our seaports was recommended; new gunboats, and an organized m litia. Events would soon determine whether an increase of the regular army was also needful. The President further intimated, but timidly, that he was ready to build ship of the line and increase the efficiency of the navy. Our troops at the Southwest were held in readiness to repel Spanish aggressions on the frontiers. Americans ought, too, to make a determined opposition to commercial injuries affecting their neutral trade.* This message, which was reluctantly hostile in tone, served *Executive Document; Annals of Congress. |