business," or "I shall run my business to suit myself."

The preamble to the Constitution of the American Federation of Labor reads:

A struggle is going on in all the nations of the civilized world between the oppressors and the oppressed of all countries, a struggle between the capitalist and the laborer, which grows in intensity from year to year, and will work disastrous results to the toiling millions if they are not combined for mutual protection and benefit.1

For thirty-three years the Federation has worked persistently to realize the partnership relations. It has made every friendly and peaceful alliance which has opened to it, notably its alliance with the National Civic Federation, which is made up of representatives of labor and capital. Such coercive action as strikes and boycotts the American Federation justifies on the ground that war is better than oppression and that oppression is as much a part of autocracy in the industrial world as it is, or ever was, in the political. It is quite impossible to follow or understand the methods of the American Federation without keeping in mind that every coercive act is performed in the hope of establishing a permanent and peaceful partnership.

The national representatives of the Federation have adhered to this clear-cut policy.* As there is, however, a large provision for home rule within the international organizations of the Federation, the theory and policy, of the parent organization varies in application. * See note at end of chapter, p. 28.

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In many of the local and national unions, modificaons are evident in the attitude of the members toard the basic theory of partnership relations beeen capital and labor.

A vote, which may be considered as a test, en at the 1912 convention of the American Fedtion, fixed the Socialist sentiment as one-third of e delegation. The vote was on the election of a esident.

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The minority wote was cast by the delegates from : Western Federation of Miners, the majority of delegates from the United Mine Workers, and the chinists, from the Brewery Workers, and the arneymen Tailors, together with votes of single egates from other organizations. The delegates m the Western Federation of Miners were emtic in their position. They explained that they I no choice in the matter, that their members apved of a continued affiliation with the Federation just so long a time as they could successfully make dway against the conservative or "capitalistic cies of the American Federation. But the strongest contrasts between unions within Federation do not follow nominal Socialist lines. e sharpest divisions, those which are most perent and clear cut, are between unionists who stand uncompromising class action, and those who ad

vocate propitiatory measures in the relation between capital and labor. There are delegates, non-Socialists, as well as Socialists, who take opposing positions on class action in all the conventions,-the conventions of the American Federation, of the international unions and the state federations, and in the weekly meetings of the city central organizations.

The strongest trade union non-Socialist representatives of San Francisco, those who have the most influence in labor councils, declare with pride that in San Francisco they are for labor, right or wrong. They recognize no trade or industrial obligation above their allegiance to fellow unionists or to labor. They consider that their contract to stand by labor comes first and takes precedence over all contracts made with capital.

At the Rochester convention of 1912, Max Hayes, one of the Socialist leaders, and a member of the Typographical Union, declared that he stood by the policy of his union which upheld its contracts with employers at any cost. He was speaking to the question of the price of a lost strike which the Pressmen had been forced to pay for the good faith which the Typographical Union had maintained with the Newspaper Association of Employers. The Chicago Federation of Labor, representing the American Federation unions of Chicago, stood by the Pressmen and condemned the Typographical Union. There are other

y central organizations besides those of Chicago d San Francisco which have made such decisions. en the obligations to fellow unionists and contracts th employers were in conflict.

The usual method of organization of the Federation along craft or trade lines. It undertakes to meet the er-dependence or overlapping of one craft on anher through its scheme of federation. But its fedation plan makes no special provision for simultaous or sympathetic action between the unions of reed trades, as in times of strikes. The solidarity it lizes through federation serves disciplinary and ganization purposes within the membership. Its pose is to force concessions from the employers separate trades, not to make war on capital as a ole.

This federal organization of labor has located its dquarters in the nation's capital, with a President, e-President, National Executive Council, and Detments. There are forty-two state organizations rtered by the Federation, and six hundred and nty-three city organizations. But it is not the e or city organizations which form the basis of Federation. The Federation centers round the hundred and eleven national and international ons which it charters for the purpose of organizing workers of the country, not geographically, but by les, throughout the United States and Canada. ese national or international unions are supple

mented by six hundred and forty-two local trade and federal labor unions chartered directly by the National Executive Council of the Federation.

A convention of the American Federation of Labor is held annually. It is made up of delegates from all the chartered unions, who pass on business of interest to the Federation as a whole and to the affiliated organizations. At these conventions the officers and Executive Council are elected for the following year. The Federation is supported by a per capita tax levied on all the chartered unions.

The one hundred and ten national, or, as they are usually called, international unions, chartered by the Federation, are given jurisdiction over organization within prescribed trade or industrial lines.

These international unions in turn issue charters to local unions, giving them the right to organize the workers within a prescribed locality, coming under the jurisdictional provisions of the international charter. There are 20,046 local unions chartered by the internationals. A local union is known by a number, as Local Union 25 of the International Ladies' Garment Workers. The local unions pay a per capita tax | in support of the international unions.

The laws governing the election of officers, the duties of officers, the holding of conventions, the fixing of dues and initiation fees, the terms of contracting or bargaining with employers, as well as organization actually accomplished, are determined by each

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