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serve its own existence, its own healthful growth and devel opment. So long as foreign immigration contributes to these, it is sound policy not only to permit, but to cultivate it. On the other hand, when the national language, customs, and institutions begin to be endangered by immigration, then the time has come for the state to close the gateways partly or wholly, as the case may require, and give itself time to educate the incomers into ethnical harmony with the fundamental principles of its own individual life. It is a most dangerous and reprehensible piece of demagogism to demand that a state shall suffer injury to its own national existence through an unlimited right of ingress; and it is an unendurable piece of deception, conscious or unconscious, when the claim is made from the standpoint of a superior humanity. Certainly the Providence which created the human race and presides over its development knows best what are the true claims of humanity; and if the history of the world is to be taken as the revelation of Providence in regard to this matter, we are forced to conclude that national states are intended by it as the prime organs of human development; and, therefore, that it is the highest duty of the state to preserve, strengthen, and develop its own national character.

My second conclusion from the facts considered in the previous chapter is that the Teutonic nations are particularly endowed with the capacity for establishing national states, and are especially called to that work; and, therefore, that they are intrusted, in the general economy of history, with the mission of conducting the political civilization of the modern world. The further conclusions of practical politics from this proposition must be, that in a state whose population is composed of a variety of nationalities the Teutonic. element, when dominant, should never surrender the balance of political power, either in general or local organization, to the other elements. Under certain circumstances it should. not even permit participation of the other elements in

political power. It should, of course, exercise all political power with justice and moderation—it is these very qualities of the Teutonic character which make it par excellence political. It should also, of course, secure individual liberty, or civil liberty, as we term it here, to all; but, under certain circumstances, some of which will readily suggest themselves to the mind of any observing American, the participation of other ethnical elements in the exercise of political power has resulted, and will result, in corruption and confusion most deleterious and dangerous to the rights of all, and to the civilization of society. The Teutonic nations can never regard the exercise of political power as a right of man. With them this power must be based upon capacity to discharge political duty, and they themselves are the best organs which have as yet appeared to determine when and where this capacity exists. In a state whose controlling nationality is Teutonic, but which contains other ethnical varieties, it will always be sound policy to confer upon these alien elements the privilege of participating in the exercise of political power only after the state shall have nationalized them politically. It must not, of course, seek to prevent or delay nationalization in order to be able to exercise oppression that would be to deny its very calling; but, on the other hand, it must not hasten the enfranchisement of those not yet ethnically qualified for reasons outside of such qualification. Again, another conclusion from our proposition in reference to the mission of the Teutonic nations must be that they are called to carry the political civilization of the modern world into those parts of the world inhabited by unpolitical and barbaric races; i.e. they must have a colonial policy. It is difficult for North Americans to regard this duty in its true light, in spite of the fact they themselves owe their own existence to such a policy. They are far too much inclined to regard any pol icy of this character as unwarrantable interference in the affairs of other states. They do not appear to give due con

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sideration to the fact that by far the larger part of the surface of the globe is inhabited by populations which have not succeeded in establishing civilized states; which have, in fact, no capacity to accomplish such a work; and which must, therefore, remain in a state of barbarism or semi-barbarism, unless the political nations undertake the work of state organization for them. This condition of things authorizes the political nations not only to answer the call of the unpolitical populations for aid and direction, but also to force organization upon them by any means necessary, in their honest judgment, to accomplish this result. There is no human right to the status of barbarism. The civilized states have a claim upon the uncivilized populations, as well as a duty towards them, and that claim is that they shall become civilized; and if they cannot accomplish their own civilization, then must they submit to the powers that can do it for them. The civilized state may righteously go still further than the exercise of force in imposing organization. If the barbaric populations resist the same, à l'outrance, the civilized state may clear the territory of their presence and make it the abode of civilized man. The civilized state should, of course, exercise patience and forbearance toward the barbaric populations, and exhaust every means of influence and of force to reduce them to subjection to its jurisdiction before adopting this policy of expulsion; but it should not be troubled in its conscience about the morality of this policy when it becomes manifestly necessary. It violates thereby no rights of these populations which are not petty and trifling in comparison with its transcendent right and duty to establish political and legal order everywhere. There is a great deal of weak sentimentality abroad in the world concerning this subject. So far as it has any intellectual basis, it springs out of a misconception of the origin of rights to territory, and a lack of discrimination in regard to the capacities of races. It is not always kept in mind that there can be no dominion over territory or

property in land apart from state organization, that the state is the source of all titles to land and of all powers over it. The fact that a politically unorganized population roves through a wilderness, or camps within it, does not create rights, either public or private, which a civilized state, pursuing its great world-mission, is under any obligations, legal or moral, to respect. It would be a petty morality indeed which would preserve a territory capable of sustaining millions of civilized men for the hunting-ground of a few thousand savages, or make its occupation depend upon contract and sale with and by them.

Finally, we must conclude, from the manifest mission of the Teutonic nations, that interference in the affairs of popu lations not wholly barbaric, which have made some progress in state organization, but which manifest incapacity to solve the problem of political civilization with any degree of completeness, is a justifiable policy. No one can question that it is in the interest of the world's civilization that law and order and the true liberty consistent therewith shall reign everywhere upon the globe. A permanent inability on the part of any state or semi-state to secure this status is a threat to civilization everywhere. Both for the sake of the half-barbarous state and in the interest of the rest of the world, a state or states, endowed with the capacity for political organization, may righteously assume sovereignty over, and undertake to create state order for, such a politically incompetent population. The civilized states should not, of course, act with undue haste in seizing power, and they should never exercise the power, once assumed, for any other purpose than that for which the assumption may be righteously made, viz; for the civilization of the subjected population; but they are under no obligation to await invitation from those claiming power and government in the inefficient organization, nor from those subject to the same. The civilized states themselves are the best organs which have yet

appeared in the history of the world for determining the proper time and occasion for intervening in the affairs of unorganized or insufficiently organized populations, for the execution of their great world-duty. Indifference on the part of Teutonic states to the political civilization of the rest of the world is, then, not only mistaken policy, but disregard of duty, and mistaken policy because disregard of duty. In the study of general political science we must be able to find a standpoint from which the harmony of duty and policy may appear. History and ethnology offer us this elevated ground, and they teach us that the Teutonic nations are the political nations of the modern era; that, in the economy of history, the duty has fallen to them of organizing the world politically; and that if true to their mission, they must follow the line of this duty as one of their chief practical policies.

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