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culations; he described improvements in musical instruments; narrated explorations by savants into the domain of natural history; sent descriptions of specimens of architecture; expressed his opinions on statues and paintings, and gave faithful accounts of agriculture and mechanical inventions.

Political and social conditions in every country and district he visited found in him the shrewdest observer, and the most painstaking recorder. The highest tribute that can be paid to the correspondence of any man can be paid to that of Jefferson at this period. Most of his letters are fresh and readable even at this day.

He

Foreign travel taught Jefferson a lesson which it would be well if all American travelers could learn. He was quick to see the excellences of other countries, though not less quick to see their shortcomings. The more he saw of other countries, the more highly he appreciated the superiority of his own. never ceased to make the abuses of the civilization of Europe, and even of England, a text from which to preach the education of the masses of his own country. This spirit was especially characteristic of his attitude toward France. It must be remembered that he saw that country under conditions never paralleled in the history of the world. From the meeting of the Assembly of Notables, in February, 1787, he followed step by step the follies and defeats of the Crown and Nobility, until he saw armed conflict in the streets of Paris and the fall of the Bastile. In his Memoir, thirty years later, he wrote of these events; and though he had then clearly before him the horrors to which they subsequently led, yet his faith was not shaken in the ultimate good to humanity that resulted from the Revolution.*

Notwithstanding his intense interest in passing affairs, Jefferson's conduct as minister was most discreet. Though his house was frequented by men of all shades of opinion, his sense of the duties of an Ambassador did not suffer him to meddle in any matter which concerned merely the existing institutions of the

*See French Revolution, page 220.

*

country to which he had been sent. It might at first seem that an important exception to this rule of conduct would have to be made when Jefferson's relations with Lafayette are considered. Lafayette's perplexities as to the course he should pursue grew largely out of the sentiments in favor of popular movements acquired by his service in America, and they naturally appealed to Jefferson's deepest sympathy. He allowed himself to be drawn into giving advice by letter as well as orally to Lafayette and other Constitutionalists, on the proper form into which the new government of France should be thrown. Finally, the conflict between the monarchy and the popular party assumed most unexpectedly a phase which, in Jefferson's opinion, justified his interposing as a lover of human liberty. "I considered," he says, "a successful reformation of government in France as insuring a general reformation through Europe, and the resurrection, to a new life, of their people now ground to dust by the abuses of the governing powers. I urged, most strenuously, an immediate compromise." He reduced his ideas to definite form in the shape of a Charter of Rights, to be signed by the King and every member of the three orders of the Assembly. This instrument he sent to M. de St. Etienne, a prominent member of the Third Estate, and a close friend of the Marquis de Lafayette. It was not adopted, but it led to Jefferson's being requested to attend and assist in the deliberations of the committee appointed to draft a Constitution. Jefferson was always ready to draw up a Constitution, but on this occasion his great good sense asserted itself. He excused himself from complying with this request, but he did receive at his own house "a number," to give his own words, "of leading patriots of honest but differing opinions, sensible of the necessity of effecting a condition by mutual sacrifices, knowing each other, and not afraid, therefore, to unbosom themselves mutually." The residence of the American minister was certainly not the place at which the legislators of France should meet, and Jefferson was quick to recognize the fact. His own. words tell us how he counteracted his indiscretion. "Duties of exculpation were now incumbent on me. I waited on Count

Montmorin the next morning, and explained to him with truth and candor how it had happened that my house had been made the scene of conferences of such a character. He told me he already knew everything which had passed, that so far from taking umbrage at the use made of my house on that occasion, he earnestly wished I would habitually assist at such conferences, being sure I should be useful in moderating the warmer spirits, and promoting a wholesome and practicable reformation only."

In the autumn of 1788 Jefferson had asked for a leave of absence for six months. He wished to return to America, where his private affairs demanded his attention. He felt also that his daughters should be placed amid the surroundings in which their lives were to be passed. Legitimate ambition, also, may have had much to do with his wish to look again upon the current of home politics. It was, however, to be only a look, for he left France with the intention of being absent no longer than the time specified. His request was granted, and in October, 1789, he set sail for America. Two months later he reached Monticello, after an absence of five years.

JEFFERSON AS SECRETARY OF STATE.

On Jefferson's arrival in America he found awaiting him. from President Washington an offer of the Secretaryship of State. For some months he hesitated to accept it, nor was this hesitation feigned. He was by no means insensible to the honor paid him, and his deep reverence for Washington moved him to immediate acceptance. There were, however, deterrent reasons not to be passed over lightly. He had acquired skill and selfconfidence in the duties of Ambassador to France; and, above all things, his ardent wish was to follow as a spectator the course of the French Revolution. To accept the office now tendered him would put upon him more onerous duties, and he had real apprehensions of his lack of familiarity with the routine duties required. Mr. Madison, at the President's request, visited him, and by his representations re-enforced Washington's appeals.

Jefferson yielded to their combined wishes, and in March, 1790, arrived in New York City, then the seat of government, to enter upon the discharge of his duties.

The colleagues whom he found already serving in the Cabinet were Alexander Hamilton of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; Henry Knox of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; and Edmund Randolph of Virginia, Attorney-General.

In vigor of intellect, self-confidence, and experience in public affairs, Jefferson immediately took his place by the side of Hamilton. These two became the dominant figures of the Cabinet, the other two members merely reflecting their views. They differed radically in their ideas of finance, of government,* and even of the constitution of society. That Washington should bring them together as his official advisers excited no suspicion that their lack of harmony might interfere with their successful co-operation. His cherished wish was to obviate factional strife by giving representation to the diverse political elements. The idea, though afterwards found impossible to realize, was typical of his moral grandeur.

Hamilton and Jefferson now met personally for the first time. Their relations in the beginning were pleasant, for each was disposed to look upon the other without prejudice. Each was genial in temper and manners, frank, and not given to duplicity. Their outward friendliness lasted longer than would have been the case had not circumstances delayed the occasion of their first decided difference. While the President, on general questions, took the opinion of the entire Cabinet, on questions which pertained especially to one department, he consulted only the head of that department. Questions of finance, upon which Jefferson and Hamilton would soonest have differed, were especially subject to this rule. The Funding Bill, which concerned the payment of Revolutionary securities, had been passed by Congress before Jefferson entered the Cabinet. Its logical successor, the Assumption Bill,† upon which Congress was engaged when he entered the Cabinet, was regarded as belong

*See Hamilton, page 238.

†See Assumption, page 142.

ing distinctively to the Department of the Treasury, as was the Impost and Excise Bill which was necessary to the carrying out of these financial measures. Jefferson's opposition to them was well known at the time, and was freely expressed in his writings, but they were not made subjects of Cabinet discussions. In January, 1791, the Bill for a United States Bank* came up for the President's signature. Washington regarded it as of such general importance that he asked the opinion of every member of his Cabinet individually. Here occurred the first serious disagreement between Hamilton and Jefferson.

The Bill, in its conception, was Hamilton's. Knox joined in urging the President to sign it. Jefferson and Randolph, on the other hand, pronounced unconstitutional even the charter upon which it was based. Though the President finally signed it, there was no change in his cordial relations with Jefferson. Indeed, this Bill has for us a greater significance than merely personal difference between heads of departments could give it. It marked the first clear division of the country into political parties.

Upon the personal relations of Hamilton and Jefferson, much misconception has prevailed; and this has been exaggerated by the extreme bitterness between their respective partisans. Jefferson's side is set forth in the diary begun by him in August, 1791, which is commonly known as the "Anas." This covers the entire period of his secretaryship, and contains much that is historically valuable, but the purpose that palpably dominates the whole is to keep a record of Hamilton's actions and expressions, and this often leads Jefferson into a recital of mere trivialities and gossip. Jefferson counted upon this diary to furnish campaign material for combatting what he always maintained to be Hamilton's monarchical designs upon the government. He held that Hamilton was the head and front of a monarchical party-one which he claimed, on his arrival in New York City, was not to be lightly esteemed either in numbers or in influence. At first many of the entries in the "Anas" were written down.

*See Bank, National, page 145.

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