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prove. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. The committee approved and reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Congress, continues Mr. Jefferson, gave a signal proof of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of their body in permitting him to draw their second petition to the King, according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment. The disgust against its humility was general; and Mr. Dickinson's delight at its passage, was the only circumstance which reconciled them to it. The vote being passed, although further observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, 'There is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper, which I disapprove, and that is the word Congress;" on which Mr. B. Harrison rose and replied, "There is but one word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve, and that is the word Congress."

Lord North's conciliatory resolution coming before the house, Mr. Jefferson, as one of the committee, was requested to prepare the report on the same. The answer of the Virginia Assembly on the same subject having been approved, will account for any similarity between the two reports, they both having proceeded from the same hand.

On the eleventh of August, Mr. Jefferson was again elected a delegate from Virginia, to the third Congress. Though constantly and actively engaged during the winter in the various matters which engaged the atten

tion of the house, yet he seems rather to have devoted himself to objects of general policy, the arrangement of general plans and systems of action, the investigation of important documents, and objects of a similar nature, than to the details of active business, for which other members could probably be found equally well qualified.

The eventful year of 1776 set in, and brought with it a new aspect, one of more energy, and with motives and objects more decided and apparent. "Eighteen months," says an able writer, "had passed away, since the colonists had learned by the entrenchments at Boston, that a resort to arms was an event not beyond the contemplation of the British ministry; nearly a year had elapsed, since the fields of Concord and Lexington had been stained with hostile blood; during this interval armies had been raised, vessels of war had been equipped, fortifications had been erected, gallant exploits had been performed, and eventful battles had been lost and won; yet still were the provinces bound to their British brothers by the ties of a similar allegiance; still did they look upon themselves as members of the same empire, subjects of the same sovereign, and partners in the same constitution and laws. They acknowledged, that the measures they had adopted were not the result of choice, but the exercise of a right, if not a duty, resulting from this very situation; they confessed that they were engaged in a controversy peculiarly abhorrent to their affections, of which the only object was to restore the harmony formerly existing between the two countries, and to establish it on so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings uninterrupted by

any future dissensions to succeeding generations in both nations."

But patience has its limits, though aggression and abuse may know no end; and there is a period when the duty which man owes not only to himself but his posterity prohibits all further forbearance. 'Actuated by such feelings and sentiments, the Convention of Virginia, on the 15th of May, 1776, instructed their delegates in Congress to propose to that body to declare the colonies independent of Great Britain, and appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of government.

Every thing relating to so important a document as the Declaration of Independence must be of vital interest; a document which assigns the reasons for the separation of the colonies from Great Britain; which appeals to heaven for the justness of their cause; which bears the signatures of some of the firmest patriots that ever existed; and which resulted in giving a new and mighty empire to the world. More particularly, in a work of this kind, is such notice due to a production which links inseparably the name of Jefferson to that of his country. Of its discussion from its commencement until its final adoption, we have for the first time a correct account in actual notes of Mr. Jefferson, lately published, and made at the time. From these notes we propose to make liberal extracts of the most interesting matters: the arguments of debate on each side are peculiarly so; and that the publick may have the information in a portable form.

In Congress, Friday, June 7, 1776. The delegates from Virginia moved in obedience to instructions from

their constituents, that the Congress should declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together.

The house being obliged to attend at that time to some other business, the proposition was referred to the next day, when the members were ordered to attend punctually at ten o'clock.

Saturday, June 8th. They proceeded to take it into consideration, and referred it to a committee of the whole, into which they immediately resolved themselves, and passed that day and Monday the 10th, in debating on the subject.

It was argued by Wilson, Robert R. Livingston, E. Rutledge, Dickinson, and others—

That though they were friends to the measures themselves, and saw the impossibility that we should ever again be united with Great Britain, yet they were against adopting them at this time:

That the conduct we had formerly observed was wise and proper now, of deferring to take any capital step till the voice of the people drove us into it:

That they were our power, and without them our declarations could not be carried into effect:

That the people of the middle colonies (Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, the Jerseys, and New York) were not yet ripe for bidding adieu to British connex

ion, but that they were fast ripening, and in a short time would join in the general voice of America:

That the resolution, entered into by this house on the 15th of May, for suppressing the exercise of all powers derived from the crown, had shown, by the ferment into which it had thrown these middle colonies, that they had not yet accommodated their minds to a separation from the mother country:

That some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to consent to such a declaration, and others had given no instructions, and consequently no powers, to give such consent:

That if the delegates of any particular colony had no power to declare such colony independent, certain they were, the others could not declare it for them; the colonies being as yet perfectly independent of each other:

That the Assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting above stairs, their Convention would sit within a few days, the Convention of New York was now sitting, and those of the Jerseys and Delaware counties would meet on the Monday following, and it was probable these bodies would take up the question of independence, and would declare to their delegates the voice of their state:

That if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these delegates must retire, and possibly their colonies might secede from the Union:

That such a secession would weaken us more than could be compensated by any foreign alliance:

That in the event of such a division, foreign powers would either refuse to join themselves to our fortunes,

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