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war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

"And for the support of this declaration, [with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence,] we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour."

The Declaration thus signed on the 4th on paper, was engrossed on parchment, and signed again on the 2d of August.

Such was this famous declaration of the independence of the United States of America, which, necessary as it appears to have been, says Botta, was not, however, exempt from peril: for although the greater part of America perceived that the course of things must have led to this extremity, there were still many who openly manifested contrary sentiments. And they were, unfortunately, more numerous in the provinces menaced by Great Britain than in any other. The American armies were feeble, the treasury poor, foreign succours uncertain, and the ardour of the people might abate all

at once.

It was known that England was determined to exert all her forces for the reduction of the colonies, before they should have time to become confirmed in their rebellion, or to form alliances with foreign powers. If the American arms, as there was but too much reason to fear, should prove unfortunate in the ensuing campaign, it could not be disguised that the people would lay it to the charge of independence; and that, according to the ordinary operations of the human mind, they

would rapidly retrogade towards the opinions they had abjured. When despair once begins, the prostration *of energy follows as its immediate consequence. But the war was inevitable, all arrangement impossible, and the Congress urged by necessity to take a decisive resolution. On every side they saw dangers, but they preferred to brave them for the attainment of a determinate object, rather than trust any longer to the uncertain hope of the repeal of the laws against which they were in arms.

For it was even difficult to designate which of these laws were to be revoked. Some desired to have all those repealed which had been passed since the year 1763; others only proscribed a part of them; and there were still others whom a total abrogation would not have satisfied, and who wished also for the abolition of some ancient statutes. In the heat of debates, propositions had been advanced to which it was impossible that Great Britain should ever consent. Nor can it be denied, that the declaration of independence was conformable to the nature of things. Circumstances would not have endured much longer, that a people like that of America, numerous, wealthy, warlike, and accustomed to liberty, should depend upon another at a great distance, and little superiour in power. The English ministry could not shut their eyes to it; and such, perhaps, was the secret reason of their obduracy in attempting to load their colonies with heavier chains. It is also certain, that foreign princes would not have consented to succour, or to receive into their alliance, a people who acknowledged themselves the subjects; whereas it might be expected that they would

unite to those of a nation, determined, at all hazards, to obtain the recognition of its liberty and independence. In the first case, even victory would not have given allies to the Americans; in the second, they were assured of them only by showing themselves resolved to sustain their cause with arms in hand.

And none were more sensible of the difficulties and dangers which surrounded them than the heroick men who had affixed their signatures, either to their country's success, or their own destruction. Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, relates a circumstance which may show the acuteness of their feelings, though disguised under the sportive bitterness of raillery. "Mr. Harrison, a delegate from tor, "is a large portly man. setts, is slender and spare. emn transaction of signing the instrument, Mr. Harrison said smilingly to Mr. Gerry-'when the hanging scene comes to be exhibited, I shall have the advantage over you on account of my size: all will be over with me in a moment, but you will be kicking in the air a half an hour after I am gone.'

Virginia," writes the doc-
Mr. Gerry, of Massachu-
A little time after the sol-

But, as to the disposition of the people themselves, the reception given to this celebrated paper on its promulgation, must have justified the hopes of the most ardent, and dispelled the fears of the most timid. It was every where hailed with joy, gladness, and enthusiasm; and the most cautious, if they allowed the certainty of an impending struggle, admitted its necessity and its great advantage. Nor were there any of those publick demonstrations omitted which governments are accustomed to employ on similar occasions, to con

ciliate the favour of the people to their determination. Independence was proclaimed, with great solemnity, at Philadelphia, the 8th of July. The artillery was fired, bonfires were kindled; the people seemed actually delirious with exultation. On the 11th, the manifesto of Congress was published in New York, and was read to each brigade of the American army, which, at that time, was assembled in the vicinity of the city: it was received with universal acclamations. The same evening, the statue of King George III., which had been erected in 1770, was taken down, and dragged through the streets by the sons of liberty. It was decided that the lead of which it was composed should be converted into musket balls. These excesses, if blameable in themselves, were not without utility if considered politically; they excited the people, and hurried them on to the object that was desired. At Baltimore, independence having been proclaimed in the presence of cannoniers and militia, the people could not contain their enthusiasm. The air resounded with salutes of artillery, and the shouts that hailed the freedom and happiness of the United States of America. The effigy of the King became the sport of the populace, and was afterwards burnt in the publick square.

But, according to description, and the concurrent testimony of Dr. Thacher, who was there at the time, the rejoicings at Boston were the greatest of all. Independence was there proclaimed from the balcony of the state house, in the presence of all the authorities, civil and military, and of an immense concourse of people, as well from the city itself, as from the country.

The garrison was drawn up in order of battle in King street, which, from that moment, took the name of State street; the troops formed in thirteen detachments, to denote the thirteen United States. At a given signal, a salute of thirteen cannon was fired upon Fort Hill, which was immediately answered by an equal number from the batteries of the Castle, of the Neck, of Nantasket, and of Point Alderton. The garrison, in their turn, fired thirteen salutes of musketry, each detachment firing in succession. The authorities and most considerable inhabitants then convened at a banquet prepared in the council chamber, where they drank toasts to the perpetuity and prosperity of the United States, to the American Congress, to General Washington, to the success of the arms of the confederacy, to the destruction of tyrants, to the propagation of civil and religious liberty, and to the friends of the United States in all parts of the world. All the bells rung in token of felicitation; the joy was universal, and its demonstrations were incessantly renewed. In the evening, all the ensigns of royalty, lions, sceptres or crowns, whether sculptured or painted, were torn in pieces, and burnt in State street.

But in Virginia, according to a celebrated author, it would be impossible to describe the exultation that was manifested.

The Virginia Convention decreed that the name of the King should be suppressed in all the publick prayers. They ordained that the great seal of the commonwealth of Virginia should represent Virtue as the tutelary genius of the province, robed in the drapery of an amazon, resting one hand upon her lance, and hold

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