on the 1st of June following, he left in the hands of George Mason, and it was passed on the 26th of that month.

Of this gentleman Mr. Jefferson speaks in the highest terms; describing him as "a man of the first order of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of the revolution, of expansive mind, profound judgement, cogent in argument, learned in the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican change, on democratick principles. His elocution was neither flowing nor smooth; but his language was strong, his manner most impressive, and strengthened by a dash of biting cynicism, when provocation made it seasonable."

After reading the above, let it be decided whether Jefferson deserved the epithets bestowed upon him in days of party bitterness, as being a visionary enthusiast, or whether he is more worthy of being considered as an ardent friend of rational freedom, and an able and enlightened legislator.

Mr. Jefferson's estimate of the powers of Mr. Madison, and his opinion of his character, are also so just, so true, and so honourable to both, that we present them to the reader. "Mr. Madison," says his friend and admirer, came into the House in 1776, a new member, and young; which circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself in debate before his removal to the Council of State, in November, '77. From thence he went to Congress, then consisting of few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired a habit of self-possession, which placed at ready command the rich resour

ces of his luminous and discriminating mind, and of his extensive information, and rendered him the first of every assembly afterwards of which he became a member. Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical, and copious, soothing always the feelings of his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he held in the great National Convention of 1787; and in that of Virginia, which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logick of George Mason, and the fervid declamation of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers, was united a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever attempted to sully. Of the powers and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They have spoken, and will for ever speak for themselves." Certainly, such eulogy, and from such a pen, is sufficient recompense for a life well spent.

While on this subject, and as the opinion of Mr. Jefferson is of so great weight as to guide the faith of thousands, we subjoin his account of three others, not only prominent men in Congress, but the most zealous and active supporters of the rights of their country,. both before and during the revolutionary struggle.— His sentiments are the result of personal and frequent observation, and are delivered with a candour which could "bear a rival near the throne."

"Dr. FRANKLIN had many political enemies, as every character must, which, with decision enough to have opinions, has energy and talent to give them ef

fect on the feelings of those of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former, they were merely of the proprietary party; in the latter, they did not commence till the revolution, and then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which spreading by little and little, became, at length, of some extent. As to the charge of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues, two years of my own service with him at Paris, daily visits, and the most friendly and confidential communications, convince me it had not a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that government in the highest degree, insomuch, that it may truly be said, that they were more under his influence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that his temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never urging impossibilities or even things unreasonably inconvenient to them; in short, so moderate and attentive to their difficulties as well as our own, that what his enemies call subserviency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition, which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on one side, yielding what is just and reasonable, is the more certain of obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual confidence produces, of course, mutual influence; and this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the government of France..

"Of SAMUEL ADAMS, I can say that he was truly a great man; wise in council, fertile in resources, immoveable in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater share than any other member in advising and directing our measures in the northern war. As a speaker,

he could not be compared with his living colleague and namesake, whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted firmness, made him truly our bulwark in debate. But Mr. Samuel Adams, although not of fluent elocution, was so rigorously logical, so clear in his views, abundant in good sense, and master always of his subject, that he commanded the most profound attention whenever he rose in an assembly, by which the froth of declamation was heard with the most sovereign contempt.

'You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my friend, Mr. JOHN ADAMS. I afterwards saw proofs which convicted him of a degree of vanity and of a blindness to it of which no germe then appeared. He is vain, irritable, and a bad calculator of the force and probable effect of the motives which govern men.— This is all the ill which can possibly be said of him. He is as disinterested as the Being who made him; he is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgement, except where knowledge of the world is necessary to form a judgement. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him if ever you become acquainted with him. He would be, as he was, a great man in Congress."

But it was not to the revision of the laws of his state, or other laborious publick duties, that Mr. Jefferson entirely devoted himself. He at this time, in a noble manner, displayed the sternness of his justice, the purity of his heart, and the softness of his feelings, by deprecating all cruelty to a fallen foe, and by extending a hand of charity to the foiled ravagers of his country. His sympathies were excited by proposed wrong

to the unfortunate, and he gave his indignant, powerful, and successful pen to their assistance.

Congress, it will be recollected, had resolved to retain in America the troops who had surrendered at Saratoga, until the terms of capitulation, which had been entered into by the British general, were duly ratified by, and obtained from, his government. Until this was done and received, it was thought expedient to remove them into the interiour of the country; and the neighbourhood of Charlottesville, in Virginia, was selected as the place of their residence.

"There they arrived early in the year 1779. The winter was uncommonly severe; the barracks unfinished for want of labourers; no sufficient stores of bread laid in; and the roads rendered impassable by the inclemency of the weather and the number of wagons which had lately traversed them." Mr. Jefferson, aided by Mr. Hawkins, the commissary general, and the benevolent disposition of his fellow citizens, adopted every plan to alleviate the distresses of the troops, and to soften, as much as possible, the hardships of captivity. Their efforts were attended with success. The officers who were able to command money rented houses and small farms in the neighbourhood, while the soldiers enlarged the barracks and improved their accommodations, so as in a short time to form a little community, flourishing and happy. These arrangements had scarcely been completed, when, in consequence of a power lodged in them by Congress, the Governour and Council of Virginia determined to remove the prisoners to another state, or to another part of the same state. This intention was heard by the