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4. To consider the expediency of combining the forces of the republics, to free the islands of Puerto Rico and Cuba from the yoke of Spain, and, in such case, what contingent each ought to contribute for this end.

5. To take measures for joining in a prosecution of the war at sea, and on the coasts of Spain.

6. To determine whether these measures shall also be extended to the Canary and Phillipine islands.

7. To take into consideration the means of making effectual the declaration of the President of the United States, respecting any ulterior design of a foreign power to colonise any portion of this continent, and also the means of resisting all interference from abroad with the domestic concerns of the American governments.

8. To settle by common consent the principles of those rights of nations, which are in their nature controvertible.

9. To determine on what footing shall be placed the political and commercial relations of those portions of our hemisphere, which have obtained, or shall obtain their independence, but whose independence has not been recognised by any American or European power, as was for many years the case with Hayti.

This is a formidable list of subjects, and enough to show, that, if they should all be discussed, the first Congress at Panamá will not have an idle session. As to the question, whether the United States ought to join in the confederacy, it can hardly be doubted, that such a step would at present be highly inexpedient. Nearly all the topics for primary consideration, are such as pertain exclusively to the local interests of the South American republics; any close alliance, or active interference of the United States, would embarrass, rather than facilitate some of the most important deliberations of the Congress. Besides, our friendly relations with Old Spain render it impossible for us to participate in any measures of war, or hostility, either by counsel or action, which her enemies may think themselves compelled to adopt. The pledge of the President of the United States may be considered as sacred and permanent, so far as the warm and universal approbation of the country, when it was given, may be regarded as clothing it with such a character. In his message to Congress two years ago, speaking of the European powers, President Monroe used

the following dignified and decided language. We owe it to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not intersered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments, who bave declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing thein, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light, than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States.' The South Americans cannot want a more hearty and decided expression of interest in their concerns, and of friendly feeling towards them, than is contained in this paragraph. The government of the United States has recognised the independence of all the republics, and formed with them on mutual terms the relations of sovereign and independent nations. Should the great cause of American freedom be assailed, whether at the north or the south, the people of the United States will be ready to take up arms, and unite with all the friends of liberty on the continent in desence of their common rights. At such a crisis there would be strong motives for a union of counsel, in a general congress of delegates collected from every part of America. As it is contemplated, that the Congress of Panamá shall be a permanent body, holding its sessions statedly from time to time, the day may arrive, when the local affairs of the south will be so adjusted, that there will be few national interests in those countries, which are not common to the north. At such a period, also, a union may with great propriety be formed.

But notwithstanding we think it would be manifestly premature and impolitic, for the United States to join the confederacy at this stage of the business, yet there are many reasons why representatives from our government should be present, and take part in such discussions as effect our immediate interests, and be prepared to express the sense of the government on all topics of general concern.

Let the acts of the Congress be what they may, since they will apply to all the southern republics, they must ultimately affect the United States; and it is not easy to foresee or calculate the advantages that would be gained, or the evils that would be averted, in our future national progress, by exercising a timely and salutary influence in the counsels, whose professed design is to form a system of mutual intercourse and political operations, for six distinct governments on the western continent, some of them already powerful, and all possessing the means of rapid growth and strength.

Art. IX.-Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy Junior,

of Massachusetts. By his Son, Josiah Quincy. Boston. 1825. Cummings, Hilliard & Company. Svo. pp.

498. The history of the American revolution, familiar as it is in its prominent features, relates to a subject of so much importance, as may well inspire that general and growing interest, which is observable, to learn the minuter circumstances, that may be communicated by authentic memoirs, respecting the causes, principles, and incidents of the contest, and of the distinguished agents in the great transaction. During the war, all hearts were engaged in active and arduous efforts, to bring it to a successful issue. While such energies were in exercise, the interesting preliminary questions relative to colonial rights and duties, allegiance and supremacy, which had been so amply and ably discussed, were superseded. When peace was declared, and independence secured, the whole country was miserably exhausted by the exertions and sufferings incident to the arduous struggle, and all became earnestly engaged, according to their opportunities, in repairing their wasted fortunes, or in securing the means of subsistence in the various employments, to which they had been accustomed, or in the new pursuits which were opened by the revolution.

To these exertions there were, for a time, many discouraging obstacles. The change of political relations, resulting from the revolution, impeded, in a degree, the prosecution of some of the former branches of business. Time, experience, and more abundant means, than were then possessed, were necessary for successful pursuits, in the new avenues which were presented. In the mean time, the public debt was pressing, no adequate national provision existed for its discharge, and the honorable exertions of individual states to comply with their obligations, were beyond their means, created discontents, and, in one instance, rebellion. To these discouraging incidents, were added some untoward circumstances, in reference to the brave men, who fought the battles of the revolution. Commutation pay and Cincinnati honors excited a dissatisfaction, that for a time restrained the generous emotions, which would otherwise have naturally prevailed.

From these and other causes, which might be mentioned, we are not to look to the early years of our national progress, immediately after the war, for any very intense interest in the history of the revolution. The important discussions which succeeded, relative to a new organisation of the national government, commanded almost exclusive attention to that object. The French revolution, which followed, revived congenial feelings and sentiments connected with the American contest; but the bloody and revolting transactions, which accompanied that memorable struggle, repressed the early sympathies, which were manifested, and considerate men devoted all their influence, to guard against the dangers of perverted sentiment, to establish the new national edifice on solid foundations, and to maintain a safe and steady course in the administration of public affairs, during the fierce and alarming conflicts of contending nations. It was then that a recurrence to the principles of the revolution was less cordially cherished, by becoming the instrument of party. In every stage, however, it may be affirmed, there has been no real want of attachment to those principles. Men only differed as to the time, manner, and occasion of their expression, and as to their application. In the course of events, there is happily a return to the old good sense and old good humor of the country; and we have arrived at a period, commencing with the treaty of Ghent, when a greater degree of political catholicism prevails, and among the various interesting topics to which a liberal curiosity is extended, the principles, causes, VOL. XXII.-NO. 50.

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events, and characters of the revolution, have their just share of public attention.

Speculations and details of this description are more valuable and deserving a complacent reception, as they are free from party views, and are not for the purpose of reviving extinguished animosities. They are regarded as a just tribute to departed worthies; as preserving precious elements of national history; as instructive lessons for political conduct, and as laudable incitements to manly sentiment and magnanimous deportment, in seasons of distress and danger. Under such impressions, they come with a lively warmth, but with a pure and chastened tone, from men of refined taste and elevated views. We follow them to scenes of strenuous action, not for the indulgence of angry passions, but from dutiful regards and grateful remembrances, in harmony with generous affections, and not unfriendly to that diffusive philanthropy, which it is desirable to cultivate.

hinc maxima porrò Accepit Roma, et patrium servavit honorem. A memoir of the life of Josiah Quincy junior could, at po period, be uninteresting to the American people; but from the considerations which have been suggested, and from the remarks of the worthy and respectable editor, we cannot but think the time of publication to be well chosen.

* By the lapse of half a century, the actors in the scenes immediately preceding the war of the American Revolution, begin to be placed in a light and at a distance, favorable at once to right feeling and just criticism. In the possession of freedom, happiness, and prosperity, seldom if ever before equalled in the history of nations, the hearts of the American people naturally turn towards the memories of those, who, under Providence, were the instruments of obtaining these blessings. Curiosity awakens concerning their characters and motives. The desire grows daily more universal to repay, with a late and distant gratitude, their long neglected, and often forgotten, sacrifices and sufferings. p. v.

The volume consists of a well written biographical sketch of Mr Quincy, of copious extracts from his journals, kept on a tour to the Southern Provinces, as they were then denominated, and on a visit to England, of copies of letters to and from his friends and correspondents, principally on political

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