II. POPULAR GOVERNMENT AND CURRENT POLITICS

ARTHUR N. HOLCOMBE

General Summary.-The year 1914 | the accompanying table. There was was marked by the continued prog- little state legislation of a noteworress of popular government. Although thy character with reference to the national issues and, above all, foreign direct primary in 1914, and although affairs absorbed much of the atten- the establishment of a national systion of the general public, the advo- tem of presidential primaries by Fedcates of the various progressive causes eral legislation was recommended by were active, especially the advocates the President to Congress, no action of votes for women. At the Novem- was taken. The subject of a general ber elections a larger number of reform of the state government was measures relating to popular govern- more widely discussed than in prement were submitted to the voters vious years, and in four states the than ever before. Measures relating question of calling a constitutional to the initiative, referendum, or re- convention was submitted to the peocall were submitted to the voters in ple. In New York the people voted a dozen states, and proposals to ex-for a convention and delegates were tend the electoral franchise to women in seven. In four states where measures relating to the initiative were before the people, the proposals were of a reactionary character, intended to restrict the power of the people to make use of the initiative already possessed by them. In no state, however, was there a proposal before the people to withdraw the suffrage from women.

chosen in November. In California, Indiana and South Dakota the voters declined to sanction the call. A complete record of the votes on the various constitutional amendments submitted to the people in November is given on another page (see VI, Amendments to State Constitutions). The meeting of the New York constitutional convention in 1915 may prove one of the most important events of the year, so far as state government is concerned, although the subject of a general constitutional revision is certain to come up in other states. Above all 1915 bids fair to be an important year for the woman suffragists, since in the four great eastern states of Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the submission of constitutional amendments enfranchising women has been already once approved by the legislatures, and, if approved a second time by the legislatures meeting in 1915, the question will be submitted to more than three million voters in November, 1915.

The elections on the whole were less favorable to the various progressive causes than the elections of previous years since the rise of the modern progressive movement. The fulfilment of the legislative programme of the Wilson administration and the uneasiness produced by the great war brought a general desire for a period of "watchful waiting" with reference to the domestic progressive movement. Nevertheless, the initiative and referendum were adopted in one state, the recall in three, and equal suffrage for women in two. The reactionary proposals to restrict the use of the initiative were voted down in all the states but one. The present Work of the State Legislatures.status of these and other progressive There were regular sessions of the causes in the states is indicated in legislature in 1914 in only 12 states,

measures submitted to the people by the legislature. Most of these last were proposed constitutional amendments. One was a resolution to call a constitutional convention, a chief purpose of which was to rewrite the fundamental law in order that it might be less in need of continual amendment than at present. While the largest number of measures of all kinds was voted on by the people of California, the largest number of

measures initiated by the people was, as usual, in Oregon. Nineteen of the 29 measures submitted to the people of that state were initiated directly by the people. Most of the measures initiated by the people in 1914 were social or economic rather than political in character, the most numerous and conspicuous measures relating to any one subject being those to regulate or prohibit the liquor traffic (see also XV, The Liquor Problem).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

Union. In Illinois, where the women already have the presidential and municipal vote, the establishment of complete political equality for women at the earliest constitutional opportunity is pledged by all parties. At the general election in November woman suffrage was adopted in two states, Montana and Nevada. The total number of equal-suffrage states (counting Illinois) is now 12.

Progress in States.-The most prominent phase of the progress of popular government in 1914 was the progress of woman suffrage. Both in the separate states and in the nation as a whole the cause of votes for women was more insistently before the public than ever before. In seven states the question of extending the electoral franchise to women was submitted to the voters at the general election in November. In three of Progress in Congress.-In the nathese states, Montana, Nevada, and tion as a whole the growth of interSouth Dakota, the question was sub- est in woman suffrage during 1914 mitted by the legislatures in the form was no less noteworthy than in the of a constitutional amendment, re- separate states. The two strongest quiring the approval of a majority of organizations in the country conthose voting thereon for adoption. In cerned especially with women's probone state, North Dakota, the question lems are the General Federation of was submitted by the legislature in Women's Clubs, comprising the nearly the form of a statute, requiring the two million organized club women of approval of a majority of all the the country and representing better voters for adoption. In three states, than any other single organization Missouri, Nebraska, and Ohio, the the special interests of the home, and question was submitted by the voters the National Educational Associathemselves under the constitutional tion, comprising the public-school initiative. In two other states, Mas- teachers of the country and represachusetts and New Jersey, the legis-senting better than any other single latures of 1914 approved the submis- organization the special interests of sion of the question, and, if submis- women outside of the home. Each sion is endorsed by the legislatures of of these organizations at its national 1915, the question will be submitted convention in 1914 for the first time to the voters in the fall of the year. formally endorsed woman suffrage. In three other states, New York, In Washington the cause of the womPennsylvania, and Iowa, the submis- an suffragists was represented before sion of the question has also been ap- Congress by the Congressional comproved by one legislature, and, if mittee of the National American endorsed by the legislatures of 1915, Woman Suffrage Association and by the question will be submitted to the the Congressional Union, an indevoters, in the two former states in pendent organization which directs 1915, and in the latter in 1916. Thus all its activities to the securing of a woman suffrage was a campaign is- woman-suffrage amendment to the sue, directly or indirectly, in no less Federal Constitution. The House of than 12 states, among them five of Representatives, acting in obedience the seven greatest states in the to a vote of the Democratic caucus,

declined to consider the submission of | Senators from the woman-suffrage

The Congressional Union, an or

conditions extraordinarily difficult. | ate direct effect on the results of the The advocates of votes for women, election, although its more remote however, are not agreed as to the indirect effect on future votes in expediency of pressing two different Congress may be greater. proposals upon Congress at the same time, and in fact they did not suc-ganization of women resolved upon ceed during the remainder of the ses- the employment of tactics primarily sion in bringing either of the meas- political in character, decided to ures to a vote in either house sub- blacklist the entire Democratic party, sequently to the vote of March 19. rather than a few selected individLate in December, however, the advo- uals regardless of party. This decicates of votes for women induced a sion was justified on the ground that majority of the House Committee on the Democratic party, as such, had Rules to report a resolution bringing controlled both branches of the Sixtythe Susan B. Anthony amendment to third Congress, and hence was alone a vote in the House. The amendment responsible for the failure of that was rejected on Jan. 12, 1915, by a Congress to submit a woman-suffrage vote of 174 to 204. amendment to the states. Although the Democrats did not possess the two-thirds majorities in both branches, which are necessary for the submission of a constitutional amendment, yet the refusal of the Committee on Rules in the House to permit the question to come to a vote, it was argued, clearly revealed the hostility of the Democratic party. The leaders of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, on the other hand, publicly opposed these tactics, alleging that it was unfair to punish individual Democrats for action taken by their party contrary to their personal opinions. The attempt of the Congressional Union to secure the defeat of Democratic Senators and Representatives in the equal-suffrage states by women's votes was apparently not successful, as only one of the Democratic candidates for reëlection in those states was defeated in November and his defeat was by too narrow a margin to enable any one organization to claim the credit therefor.

Tactics of Suffrage Advocates. Hitherto the advocates of votes for women have relied for success chiefly upon direct argument before Congressional and legislative committees and political conventions, reinforced by appeals to public opinion, and all based upon a systematic and persistent campaign to educate the general public. Most of the work, indeed, has been primarily educational rather than political in character. In 1914 a change was made in these tactics. Toward the close of the session of Congress and prior to the general elections, the Congressional committee of the National American Woman Suffrage Association issued a public statement containing the names of nine Senators and nine Congressmen, who were described as conspicuously active in their hostility to woman suffrage, and calling upon the believers in the cause to prevent these men from returning to Congress. Of the 18 men whose names appeared on this suffrage blacklist, 13 were Democrats, although the statement declared that they were not blacklisted as Democrats, but solely as enemies of woman suffrage, and, in certain cases, of oth

Immediately after the election the National American Woman Suffrage Association held its annual convention at Nashville, Tennessee, and discussed the expediency of changing its tactics, and especially that of endorsing the states-rights amendment proposed by its Congressional committee earlier in the year. The convention voted to authorize the Congressional Committee to use its own discretion with respect to the support of amendments before Congress, and also voted that woman suffrage should not be made a partisan issue.