cratic party has left only one yet to be consummated-
the abrogation of the law which forbids the African slave
trade.
Now, I know very well that the Democratic party has,
at every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive
and the policy of fortifying and extending Slavery, and
has excused them on entirely different and more plausi-
ble grounds. But the inconsistency and frivolity of
these pleas prove still more conclusively the guilt I
charge upon that party. It must, indeed, try to excuse
such guilt before mankind, and even to the consciences
of its own adherents. There is an instinctive abhorrence
of Slavery, and an inborn and inhering love of Freedom
in the human heart, which renders palliation of such
gross misconduct indispensable. It disfranchised the free
African on the ground of a fear that, if left to enjoy the
right of suffrage, he might seduce the free white citi- |
zen into amalgamation with his wronged and despised
race. The Democratic party condemned and deposed |
John Quincy Adams, because he expended $12,000,000 a
year, while it justifies his favored successor in spending
$70,000,000, $80,000,000, and even $10,000,000, a year.
It denies emancipation in the District of Columbia, even
with compensation to masters and the consent of the
people, on the ground of an implied constitutional inhi-
bition, although the Constitution expressly confers upon
Congress sovereign legislative power in that District, and
although the Democratic party is tenacious of the prin-
ciple of strict construction. It violated the express pro-
visions of the Constitution in suppressing petition and
debate on the subject of Slavery, through fear of dis-
turbance of the public harmony, although it claims that
the electors have a right to instruct their representatives,
and even demand their resignation in cases of contu-
macy. extended Slavery over Texas, and connived at
the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories,
even to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, under a plea of
enlarging the area of Freedom. It abrogated the Mexi-
can slave law and the Missouri Compromise prohibition
of Slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territories to
Slavery, but to try therein the new and fascinating
theories of Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty;
and, finally, it overthrew both these new and elegant
systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Dred
Scott decision, on the ground that the Free States ought
not to enter the Union without a population equal to the
representative basis of one member of Congress, although
Slave States might come in without inspection as to their
numbers.

Will any member of the Democratic party now here claim that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the party transcended their partisan platforms, and so misrepresented the party in the various transactions I have recited? Then I ask him to name one Democratic statesman or legislator, from Van Buren to Walker, who either timidly or cautiously like them, or boldly or defiantly like Douglas, ever refused to execute a behest of the slaveholders, and was not therefor, and for no other cause, immediately denounced, and deposed from his trust, and repudiated by the Democratic party for that contumacy.

I think, fellow-citizens, that I have shown you that it is high time for the friends of Freedom to rush to the rescue of the Constitution, and that their very first duty is to dismiss the Democratic party from the administration of the Government.

Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done? Nothing but timidity or division of the opponents of the Democratic party.

Some of these opponents start one objection, and some another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One class say that they cannot trust the Republican party; that it has not avowed its hostility to Slavery boldly enough, or its affection for Freedom earnestly enough. I ask in reply, is there any other party which can be more safely trusted? Every one knows that it is the Republican party or none, that shall displace the Democratic party. But I answer further, that the character and fidelity of any party are determined, necessarily, not by its pledges, programmes, and platforms, but by the public exigencies, and the temper of the people when they call it into activity. Subserviency to Slavery is a law written not only on the forehead of the Democratic party, but also in its very soul-so resistance to Slavery, and devotion to Freedom, the popular elements now actively working for the Republican party among the people, must and will be the resources for its ever-renewing strength and constant invigoration.

Others cannot support the Republican party, because it it has not sufficiently exposed its platform, and determined what it will do, and what it will not do, when triumphant. It may prove too progressive for some, and

too conservative for others. As if any party ever foresaw so clearly the course of future events as to plan a universal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible emergencies. Who would ever have joined even the Whig party of the Revolution, if it had been obliged to answer, in 1775, whether it would declare for Independence in 1776, and for this noble Federal Constitution of ours in 1787, and not a year earlier or later?

The people of the United States will be as wise next year, and the year afterward, and even ten years hence, as we are now. They will oblige the Republican party to act as the public welfare and the interests of justice and humanity shall require, through all the stages of its career, whether of trial or triumph.

Others will not venture an effort, because they fear that the Union would not endure the change. Will such objectors tell me how long a Constitution can bear a strain directly along the fibres of which it is composed? This is a Constitution of Freedom. It is being converted into a Constitution of Slavery. It is a republican Constitution. It is being made an aristocratic one. Others wish to wait until some collateral questions concerning temperance, or the exercise of the elective franchise are properly settled. Let me ask all such persons, whether time enough has not been wasted on these points already, without gaining any other than this single advantage, namely, the discovery that only one thing can be effectually done at one time, and that the one thing which must and will be done at any one time is just that thing which is most urgent, and will no longer admit of postponement or delay. Finally, we are told by faint-hearted men that they despond; the Democratic party, they say, is unconquerable, and the dominion of Slavery is consequently inevitable. I reply to them, that the complete and universal dominion of Slavery would be intolerable enough when it should have come after the last possible effort to escape should have been made. There would, in that case, be left to us the consoling reflection of fidelity to duty.

But I reply, further, that I know-few, I think, know better than I-the resources and energies of the Democratic party, which is identical with the Slave Power. I do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I know further-few, I think, know better than I-the difficulties and disadvantages of organizing a new political force like the Republican party, and the obstacles it must encounter in laboring without prestige and without patronage. But, notwithstanding all this, I know that the Democratic party must go down, and that the Republican party must rise into its place. The Democatic party derived its strength, originally, from its adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to all men. So long as it practiced this principle faithfully, it was invulnerable. It became vulnerable when it renounced the principle, and since that time it has, maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet had appeared in the political field no other party that had the conscience and the courage to take up, and avow, and practice the life-inspiring principles which the Democratic party had surrendered. At last, the Republican party has appeared. It avows now, as the Republican party of 1800 did, in,one word, its faith_and its works," Equal and exact justice to all men." Even when it first entered the field, only half organized, it struck a blow which only just failed to secure complete and triumphant victory. In this, its second campaign, it has already won advantages which render that triumph now both easy and certain.

The secret of its assured success lies in that very characteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes its great and lasting imbecility and reproach. It lies in the fact that it is a party of one idea; but that idea is a noble one-an idea that fills and expands all generous souls; the idea of equality-the equality of all men before human tribunals and human laws, as they all are equal before the Divine tribunal and Divine laws.

I know, and you know, that a revolution has begun. I know, and all the world knows, that refolutions never go backward. Twenty Senators and a hundred Representatives proclaim boldly in Congress to-day sentiments and opinions and principles of Freedom which hardly so many men, even in this free State, dared to utter in their own homes twenty years ago. While the Government of the United States, under the conduct of the Democratic party, has been all that time surrendering one plain and castle after another to Slavery, the people of the United States have been no less steadily and perseveringly gathering together the forces with which to recover back again all the fields and all the castles which have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one decisive blow, the betrayers of the Constitution and Freedom forever.

"NEGRO SLAVERY NOT UNJUST."

A SPEECH BY CHARLES O'CONOR,

At the Union Meeting at the Academy of Music, New York City, Dec. 19, 1859.

MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN: I cannot express to you told in the legislative assemblies of our Northern States, the delight which I experience in beholding in this great not merely by speakers, but by distinct resolutions of the city so vast an assembly of my fellow citizens, convened whole body-we are told by gentlemen occupying seats in for the purpose stated in your resolutions. I am delight- the Congress of the Union through the votes of Northern ed beyond measure to behold at this time so vast an people-that the Constitution seeks to enshrine, to protect, assembly responding to the call of a body so respectable to defend a monstrous crime against justice and humanity, as the twenty thousand New Yorkers who have convened and that it is our duty to defeat its provisions, to outwit this meeting. If anything can give assurance to those who them, if we cannot otherwise get rid of their effect, and to doubt, and confidence to those who may have had mis- trample upon the rights which it has declared shall be progivings as to the permanency of our institutions, and the tected and insured to our brethren of the South. (Apsolidity of the support which the people of the North are plause.) That is now the doctrine advocated. And I ask prepared to give them, it is that in the queen city of the whether that doctrine, necessarily involving the destrucNew World, in the capital of North America, there is tion of our Union, shall be permitted to prevail as it has assembled a meeting so large, so respectable, and so hitherto prevailed? Gentlemen, I trust you will excuse me unanimous as this meeting has shown itself to be in re- | for deliberately coming up to and meeting this questionceiving sentiments which, if observed, must protect our not seeking to captivate your fancies by a trick of words Union from destruction, and even from danger. (Ap--not seeking to exalt your imaginations by declamation plause.) Gentlemen, is it not a subject of astonishment or by any effort at eloquence-but meeting this question that the idea of danger, and the still more dreadful idea gravely, sedately, and soberly, and asking you what is to of dissolution, should be heard from the lips of an Ameri- be our course in relation to it? Gentlemen, the Constitu can citizen, at this day, in reference to, or in connection tion guarantees to the people of the Southern States the with, the sacred name of this most sacred Union? protection of their slave property. In that respect it is a (Applause.) Why gentlemen, what is our Union? What solemn compact between the North and the South. As a are its antecedents? What is its present condition? If solemn compact are we at liberty to violate it? (Cries of we ward off the evils which threaten it, what its future "No, no !") Are we at liberty to seek or take any mean, hope for us and for the great family of mankind? Why petty advantage of it? (Cries of "No, no !") Are we at gentlemen, it may well be said of this Union as a goveru- liberty to con over its particular words, and to restrict and ment, that as it is the last offspring, so is it Time's most to limit its operation, so as to acquire, under such narrow glorious and beneficent production. Gentlemen, we are construction, a pretence of right by hostile and adverse created by an Omniscient Being. We are created by a legislation? ("No, no !")-to interfere with the interests, Being not only All-Seeing, but All-Powerful and All-Wise. wound the feelings, and trample on the political rights of And in the benignity and the farseeing wisdom of His❘ our Southern fellow-citizens? ("No, no, no!") No, gentlepower, He perinitted the great family of mankind to live men. If it be a compact, and has anything sacred in it, we are on, to advance, to improve, step by step, and yet permit- bound to observe it in good faith, honestly and honorably, ted five thousand years and upward to elapse ere He laid not merely to the letter, but fully to the spirit, and not in the foundation of a truly free, a truly happy, and a truly any mincing, half-way, unfair, or illiberal construction, independent empire. It was not, gentlemen, until that seeking to satisfy the letter, to give as little as we can, and great length of time had elapsed, that the earth was thereby to defeat the spirit. (Applause.) That may be the deemed mature for laying the foundations of this mighty way that some men keep a contract about the sale of a house and prosperous State. It was then that He inspired the or of a chattel, but it is not the way honest men observe connoble-minded and chivalrous Genoese to set forth upon tracts, even in relation to the most trivial things. (“True," the trackless ocean and discover the empire that we now and applause.) What has been done, having a tendency enjoy. But a few years, comparatively, had elapsed to disturb harmony under this Constitution, and to break when there was raised up in this blessed land a set of men down and destroy the union now existing between these whose like had never before existed upon the face of this States? Why, gentlemen, at an early period the subject earth. Men unequalled in their perceptions of the true of Slavery, as a mere philosophical question, was discussed principles of justice, in their comprehensive benevolence, by many, and its justice or injustice made the subject of in their capacity to lay safely, justly, soundly, and with argument leading to various opinions. It mattered little all the qualities which should insure permanency, the how long this discussion should last, while it was confined foundations of an empire. It was in 1776, and in this within such limits. If it had only led to the formation of country, that there assembled the first, the very first, societies like the Shakers, who do not believe in matriassembly of rational men who ever proclaimed, in clear mony; societies like the people of Utah, destined to a and undeniable form, the immutable principles of liberty, short career, who believe in too much of it (laughter); or and consecrated, to all time I trust, in the face of tyrants, societies of people like the strong-minded women of our and in opposition to their power, the rights of nations and country, who believe that women are much better qualithe rights of men. (Applause.) These patriots, as soon fied than men to perform the functions and offices usually as the storm of war had passed away, sat down and performed by men (laughter)—and who probably would, framed that instrument upon which our Union rests, the if they had their way, simply change the order of proceedConstitution of the United States of America, (Applause.) ings, and transfer the husband to the kitchen, and themAnd the question now before us is neither more nor less selves to the field or the cabinet. (Laughter and apthan this: whether that Constitution, consecrated by the plause.) So long, I say, as this sentimentality touching blood shed in that glorious Revolution, consecrated by Slavery confined itself to the formation of parties and sothe signature of the most illustrious man who ever lived, cieties of this description, it certainly could do no great George Washington (applause)-whether that instrument, harm, and we might satisfy ourselves with the maxim that accepted by the wisest and by the best of that day, and Error can do little harm as long as truth is left free to comaccepted in convention, one by one, in each and every bat it." But unfortunately gentlemen, this sentimentality State of this Union-that instrument from which so many has found its way out of the meeting-houses-from among blessings have flown-whether that instrument was con- pious people, assemblies of speculative philosophers, and ceived in crime, is a chapter of abominations (cries of societies formed to benefit the inhabitants of Barioboola"No, no,") is a violation of justice, is a league between gha-it has found its way into the heart of the selfish polistrong-handed but wicked-hearted white men to oppress, tician; it has been made the war-cry of party; it has been and impoverish, and plunder their fellow-creatures, con- made the instrument whereby to elevate not merely to trary to rectitude, honor and justice. (Applause.) This personal distinction and social rank, but to political power is the question, neither more nor less. We are toll from Throughout the non-slaveholding States of this Union, men. pulpits, we are told from the political rostrum, we are have been thus elevated who advocate a course of con

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duct necessarily exasperating the South, and the natural compact, to separate from us and to dissolve it? Why effect of whose teachings renders the Southern people inse- gentlemen, the greatness and glory of the American name cure in their property and their lives, making it a matter will then be a thing of yesterday. The glorious Revoof doubt each night whether they can safely retire to their lution of the thirteen States will be a Revolution not umbers without sentries and guards to protect them achieved by us, but by a nation that has ceased to exist. gainst incursions from the North. I say the effect has The name of Washington will be, to us at least at the been to elevate, on the strength of this sentiment, such | North (cheers), but as the name of Julius Cæsar, or of Een to power. And what is the result-the condition of some other great hero who has lived in times gone by, 'hings at this day? Why, gentlemen, the occasion that whose nation has perished and exists no more. The alls us together is the occurrence of a raid upon the Declaration of Independence, what will that be? Why, tate of Virginia by a few misguided fanatics-followers of the declaration of a State that no longer has place hese doctrines, with arms in their hands, and bent upon among the nations. All these bright and glorious recolapine and murder. I called them followers, but they lections of the past must cease to be our property, and hould be deemed leaders. They were the best, the bravest, become mere memorials of a by-gone race and people. and the most virtuous of all the abolition party. (Ap- A line must divide the North from the South. What will plause.) On the Lord's day, at the hour of still repose, be the consequences? Will this mighty city-growing hey armed the bondman with pikes brought from the as it now is, with wealth pouring into it from every porNorth, that he might slay his master, his master's wife, and tion of this mighty empire-will it continue to flourish as is master's little children. And immediately succeeding to it has done? (Cries of "No, no!") Will your marble -at this very instant-what is the political question pend- palaces that line Broadway, and raise their proud tops ng before Congress ? toward the sky, continue to increase, until, as is now promised under the Union, it shall present the most glorious picture of wealth, prosperity, and happiness, that the world has ever seen? (Applause.) No! gentlemen, no! such things cannot be. I do not say that we will starve, that we will perish, as a people, if we separate from the South. I admit, that if the line be drawn between us, they will have their measure of prosperity, and we will have ours; but meagre, small in the extreme, compared with what is existing and promised under our Union, will be the prosperity of each.

A book substantially encouraging the same course of rovocation toward the South which has been long purued, is openly recommended to circulation by sixty-eight nembers of your Congress. (Cries of "Shame, on them," applause, and hisses.)-Recommended to circulation by sixty-eight members of your Congress, all elected in Northern States (hisses and applause)—every one, I say, elected from non-slaveholding States. And with the assistance of their associates, some of whom hold their offices by your votes, there is great danger that they will elect to the highest office in that body, where he will sit as a representative of the whole North, a man who united in causing that book to be distributed through the South, carrying poison and death in its polluted leaves. ("Hang him!" and applause.) Is it not fair to say that this great and glorious Union is menaced when such a state of things is found to exist? when such an act is attempted? Is it reasonable to expect that our brethren of the South will calmly sit down ("No") and submit quietly to such an outrage? (Cries of "No, no.") Why, gentlemen, we Why, gentlemen, we greatly exceed them in numbers. The non-slaveholding States are by far the more populous; they are increasing daily in numbers and in population, and we may soon and we may soon overwhelm the Southern vote. If we continue to fill the halls of legislation with abolitionists, and permit to occupy the executive chair men who declare themselves to be enlisted in a crusade against Slavery, and against the provisions of the Constitution which secure that species of property, what can we reasonably expect from the people of the South but that they will pronounce the Constitution, with all its glorious associations, with all its sacred memories-this Uuion, with its manifold present and promised blessings-an unendurable evil, threatening to crush and to destroy their most vital interests-to make their country a wilderness. Why should we expect them to submit to such a line of conduct on our part, and recognize us as brethren, or unite with us in perpetuating the Union?

Truly has it been said here to-night, that we were made for each other; separate us, and although you may not destroy us, you reduce each to so low a scale that well might humanity deplore the evil courses that brought about the result. True, gentlemen, we would have left, to boast of, our share of the glories of the Revolution. The Northern States sent forth to the conflict their bands of heroes, and shed their blood as freely as those of the South. But the dividing line would take away from us the grave of Washington. It is in his own beloved Virginia. (Applause and cheers.) It is in the State and near the spot where this treason that has been growing up in the North, so lately culminated in violence and bloodshed. We would lose the grave-we would lose all connection with the name of Washington. But our philanthropic and pious friends who fain would lead us to this result, would, of course, comfort us with the consoling reflection that we had the glorious memory of John Brown in its place. (Great laughter and cheers.) Are you, gentlemen, prepared to make the exchange? (Cries of "No, no.") No, no.") Shall the tomb of Washington, that rises upon the bank of the Potomac, receiving its tribute from every nation of the earth-shall that become the property of a foreign State-a State hostile to us in its feelings, and we to it in ours? Shall we erect a monument among the arid hills at North Elba, and deem the privilege of making pilgrimages thither a recompense for the loss of every glorious recollection of the past, and for our severance from the name of Washington? He who is recognized as the Father of his Country? (Cries of "No, no," and cheers.) No, gentlemen, we àre not prepared, I trust, for this sad exchange, this fatal severance. We are not prepared, I trust, either to part with our glorious past or to give up the advantages of our present happy condition. We are not prepared to relinquish our affection for the South, nor to involve our section in the losses, the deprivation of blessings and advantages necessarily resulting to each from dis union. Gentlemen, we never would have attained the wealth and prosperity as a nation which is now ours, but for our connection with these very much reviled and injured slaveholders of the Southern States. And, gentlemen, if dissolution is to take place, we must part with the trade of the South, and thereby surrender our participation in the wealth of the South. Nay, more-we are told from good authority that we must not only part with the slaveholding States, but that our younger sister with the golden crown-rich, teeming California, she who added the final requisite to our greatness as a nation-will not come with us. She will remain with

For my part I do not see anything unjust or unreasonable in the declaration often made by Southern members on this subject. They tell us: "If you will thus assail us with incendiary pamphlets, if you will thus create a spirit in your country which leads to violence and bloodshed among us, if you will assail the institution upon which the prosperity of our country depends, and will elevate to office over us men who are pledged to aid in such transactions, and to oppress us by hostile legislation, we cannot-much as we revere the Constitution, greatly as we estimate the blessings which would flow from its faithful enforcement-we cannot longer depend on your compliance with its injunctions, or adhere to the Union." For my part, gentlemen, if the North continues to conduct itself in the selection of representatives to the Congress of the United States as, from, perhaps a certain degree of negligence and inattention, it has heretofore conducted itself, the South is not to be censured if it withdraws from the Union. (Hisses and applause. A voice "that's so." Three cheers for the Fugitive Slave Law.) We are not, gentlemen, to hold a meeting to say that We love this Union; we delight in it; we are proud of it; it blesses us, and we enjoy it; but we shall fill all its offices with men of our own choosing, and, our brethren of the South, you shall enjoy its glorious past; Gentlemen, if we allow this course of injustice toward you shall enjoy its mighty recollections; but it shall the South to continue, these are to be the consequencestrample your institutions in the dust." We have nc evil to us, evil also to them. Much of all that we are right to say it. We have no right to exact so much, most proud of; much of all that contributes to our prosand an opposite and entirely different course, fellow-perity and greatness as a nation, must pass away from citizens, must be ours-must be the course of the great us. North, if we would preserve this Union. (Applause, The question is-should we permit it to be continued, and cries of “Good.” ')

66

And, gentlemen, what is this glorious Union? What must we sacrifice if we exasperate our bethren of the South, and compel them, by injustice and breac.

f

the South.

and submit to all these evils? Is there any reason to justify such a course? There is a reason preached to us for permitting it. We are told that Slavery is unjust; we are told that it is a matter of conscience to put it down;

We

and that whatever treaties or compacts, or laws, or con- | trine. There are some principles well known, well understitutions, have been made to sanction and uphold it, it stood, universally recognized and universally acknow is still unholy, and that we are bound to trample upon treaties, compacts, laws, and constitutions, and to stand wy what these men arrogantly tell us is the law of God and a fundamental principle of natural justice. Indeed, gentlemen, these two things are not distinguishable. The Law of God and natural justice, as between man and man, are one and the same. The wisest philosopher of ancient times-heathen philosophers-said, The rule of conduct between man and man is, to live honestly, to injure no mau, and to render to every man his due. In words far more direct and emphatic, in words of the most perfect comprehensiveness, the Saviour of the world gave us the same rule in one short sentence-" Love thy neighbor as thyself." (Applause.) Now, speaking between us, people of the North and our brethren of the South, I ask you to act upon this maxim-the maxim of the heathen-the command of the living God: "Render to every man his due," "Love thy neighbor as thyself." (Applause.) Thus we should act and feel toward the South. Upon that maxim which came from Him of Nazareth we should act toward the South, but without putting upon it any new-people. (Applause.) As to the negro, why, we allowed fangled, modern interpretation. We should neither say nor think that any Gospel minister of this day is wiser than God himself-than He who gave us the Gospel. These maxims should govern between us and our brethren of the South. But, gentlemen, the question is this: Do these maxims justify the assertion of those who seek to invade the rights of the South, by proclaiming negro Slavery unjust? That is the point to which this great argument, involving the fate of our Union, must now come. Is negro Slavery unjust? If it be unjust, it violates the first rule of human conduct," Render to every man his due." If it be unjust, it violates the law of God, which Love thy neighbor as thyself," for that law requires that we should perpetrate no injustice. Gentlemen, if it could be maintained that negro Slavery is unjust, is thus in conflict with the law of nature and the law of God, perhaps I might be prepared-perhaps we all ought to be prepared to go with that distinguished man to whom allusion is frequently made, and say, there is a "higher law" which compels us to trample beneath our feet, as a wicked and unholy compact, the Constitution established by our fathers, with all the blessings it secures to their children. But I insist-and that is the argument which we must meet, and on which we must come to a conclusion that shall govern our action in the future selection of representatives in the Congress of the United States-I insist that negro Slavery is not unjust. (Long continued applause.) It is not unjust; it is just, wise, and beneficent. (Hisses, followed by applause, and cries of Put him out.") Let him stay, gentlemen. PRESIDENT.-Let him stay there. Order.

says,

MR. O'CONOR.-Serpents may hiss, but good men will hear. (Cries again of "Put him out;" calls to order; confusion for a time.)

THE PRESIDENT.-If anybody hisses here, remember that every one has his own peculiar way of expressing himself, and as some birds only understand hissing, they must hiss. (Applause.)

ledged among men, that are not to be found written in con-
stitutions or in laws. The people of the United States, at
the formation of our Government, were, as they still are, in
some sense, peculiarly and radically distinguishable from
other nations. We were white men, of--what is commonly
called, by way of distinction-the Caucasian race.
were a monogamous people; that is to say, we were not
Mohammedans, or followers of Joe Smith—with half a do-
zen wives apiece. (Laughter.) It was a fundamental
principle of our civilization that no State could exist or be
tolerated in this Union, which should not, in that respect,
resemble all the other States of the Union. Some other
distinctive features might be stated which serve to mark
us as a people distinct from others, and incapable of asso-
ciating on terms of perfect political equality, or social
equality, as friends and fellow-citizens, with some kinds of
people that are to be found upon the face of the earth.
As a white nation, we made our Constitution and our laws,
vesting all political rights in that race. They, and they
alone, constituted, in every political sense, the American
him to live under the shadow and protection of our laws.
We gave him, as we were bound to give him, protection
against wrong and outrage; but we denied to him political
rights, or the power to govern, We left him, for so long a
period as the community in which he dwelt should so order,
in the condition of a bondsman. (Applause.) Now, gen-
tlemen, to that condition the negro is assigned by nature.
(Cries of "Bravo," and "That's so," and applause.) Ex-
perience shows that this race cannot prosper-that they
become extinct in any cold, or in any very temperate clime;
but in the warm, the extremely warm regions, his race can
be perpetuated, and with proper guardianship, may pros-
per. He has ample strength, and is competent to labor,
but nature denies to him either the intellect to govern or
the willingness to work. (Applause.) Both were denied
him. That same power which deprived him of the will to
labor, gave him, in our country, as a recompense, a master
to coerce that duty, and convert him into a useful and val-
uable servant. (Applause.) I maintain that it is not in-
justice to leave the negro in the condition in which nature
placed him, and for which alone he is adapted. Fitted
only for a state of pupilage, our slave system gives him a
master to govern him and to supply his deficiencies: in
this there is no injustice. Neither is it unjust in the master
to compel him to labor, and thereby afford to that master
a just compensation in return for the care and talent em-
ployed in governing him. In this way alone is the negro
enabled to render himself useful to himself and to the so-
ciety in which he is placed.

These are the principles, gentlemen, which the extreme measures of abolitionism compel us to enforce. This is the ground that we must take, or abandon our cherished Union. We must no longer favor political leaders who talk about negro Slavery being an evil; nor must we advance the indefensible doctrine that negro Slavery is a thing which, although pernicious, is to be tolerated merely because we have made a bargain to tolerate it. We must turn away from the teachings of fanaticism. We must look at negro slavery as it is, remembering that the voice of inspiration, as found in the sacred volume, nowhere condemns the bondage of those who are fit only for bondage. Yielding to the clear decree of nature, and the dictates of sound philosophy, we must pronounce that institution just, benign, lawful and proper. The Constitution established by the fathers of our Republic, which recognized it, must be maintained. And that both may stand together, we must maintain that neither the institution itself, nor the Constitution which upholds it, is wicked or unjust; but that each is sound and wise, and entitled to our fullest support.

MR. O'CONOR.-Gentlemen, there is an animal upon this earth that has no faculty of making its sentiments known in any other way than by a hiss. I am for equal rights. (Three cheers were here given for Mr. O'Conor, three for Gov. Wise, and three groans for John Brown.) I beg of you, gentlemen, all of you who are of my mind at least, to preserve silence, and leave the hissing animal in the full enjoyment of his natural privileges. (Cries of "Good, good," laughter and applause.) The first of our race that offended was taught to do so by that hissing animal. (Laughter and applause.) The first human society that was ever broken up through sin and discord, had its happy union dissolved by the entrance of that animal. (Applause.) Therefore I say it is his privilege to hiss. Let him hiss on. (Cries of "Good, good," laughter and applause.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you much longer. (Cries of "Go on, go on.") I maintain that negro Slavery is not unjust-(a voice-"No, sir," applause,) that it is benign in its influence upon the white man and upon the black. (Voices" That's so, that's so," applause.) I maintain that it is ordained by na-surrection within their borders. (Loud applause.) These ture; that it is a necessity of both races; that, in climates where the black race can live and prosper, nature herself enjoins correlative duties on the black man and on the white, which cannot be performed except by the preservation, and, if the hissing gentleman please, the perpetuation of negro Slavery.

We must visit with our execration any man claiming our suffrages, who objects to enforcing, with entire good faith, the provisions of the Constitution in favor of negro Slavery, or who seeks, by any indirection, to withhold its protection from the South, or to get away from its obligations upon the North. Let us henceforth support no man for public office whose speech or action tends to induce assaults upon the territory of our Southern neighbors, or to generate inare the principles upon which we must act. This is what we must say to our brethren of the South. If we have sent men into Congress who are false to these views, and are seeking to violate the compact which binds us together, we must ask to be forgiven until we have another chance to manilest our will at the ballot-boxes. We must tell them that I am fortified in this opinion by the highest tribunal in these men shall be consigned to privacy (applause), and our country, that venerable exponent of our institutions, that true men, men faithful to the Constitution, men and of the principles of justice-the Supreme Court of the loving all portions of the country alike, shall be elected United States. That court has held, on this subject, what in their stead And, gentlemen, we must do more than wise men will ever pronounce to be sound and just doc- I promise this-we must perform it. (Loud applause, fol

THE REAL QUESTION STATED.

LETTER FROM CHARLES O'CONOR TO A COMMITTEE OF MERCHANTS.

CHAS. O'CONOR, ESQ. The undersigned, being desirous of
circulating as widely as possible, both at the North and at the
South, the proceedings of the Union Meeting held at the
Academy of Music last evening, intend publishing in pamphlet
form, for distribution, a correct copy of the same.
Will you be so kind as to inform us whether this step meets
your approval; and if so, furnish us with a corrected report
of your speech delivered by you on that occasion. Yours
respectfully,

LEITCH, BURNET & CO.,
GEO. W. & JEHIAL READ,
BRUFF, BROTHER & SEAVER,
C. B. HATCH & CO.,

DAVIS, NOBLE & CO.,

(Formerly FURMAN, DAVIS & Co.,) WESSON & COX,

CRONIN, HURXTHAL & SEARS, ATWATER, MULFORD CO. GENTLEMEN: The measure you propose meets my entire approval.

I have long thought that our disputes concerning negro Slavery would soon terminate, if the public mind could be