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founded and pernicious doctrine. He fhewed, that, from the experience of the present war, no man could be juftified in maintaining this doctrine: that, if we examined into the periods of former wars and times of peace, we should find the balance of price againft the latter; and that, in fact, the fluctuation had always depended on the course of the feafen. With regard to the latter part of the fpeech from the throne, he expreffed his fatisfaction that a period had now arrived, when a government had been established in France, with which his majesty's minifters could enter into negotiations for peace. Though he had voted against treating with Buonaparte, when he made overtures of peace laft year, it might not be impolitic to negotiate at prefent. As to the probable permanency of his government, he was not competent to fay much; but he could forefee none, on the permanency of which, all circumftances confidered, we fhould be fo well juftified in found ing our fpeculations. As far as an opinion could be formed from the public prints, it appeared to be quietly fubmitted to by the people of France; and that country had now arrived at the fituation, in which all others, after fimilar convulfions, had been placed. He il luftrated the truth of this pofition, by a remark of Mr. Hume's on the fuccefsful ufurpation of Cromwell. "By recent as well as ancient example, it was become evident, that illegal violence, with whatever pretences it might be covered, and whatever objects it may purfue, muft inevitably end, at laft, in the arbitrary and defpotic government of a fingle perfon." Whether the houfe of Bourbon was ever likely to be

reftored, was a queftion he would not undertake to difcufs. It would be wife to treat with the exifting government, and to conclude a peace, whenever it could be ef fected, confiftently with good faith to our allies, and a due regard to the honour and fecurity of this country.

Lord Holland contended that the war was one, though not perhaps the principal caufe of fcarcity. Notwithstanding what had been stated by lord Hobart, he feared that fearcity and war were almost neceflary companions. He concurred in opinion with the duke of Portland, who, in a letter communicated to the public, condemned the clamour which had been excited against fuppofed monopolifts, and deprecated all attempts to interfere in the operations of the dealers in grain; but with the general conduct of minifters he continued to be exceedingly difgufted. Whether Buonaparte's defign be peace or war, he faid, the conduct of our minifters gives him uncommon advantages. If his wishes be really for peace, he may be entitled to demand from them greater fecurities as a teft of their fincerity; and, if his fecret defire be war, while he profeffes peace, then, by their former conduct, he may obtain his object, and throw all the odium on them. Look back, faid he, to the whole hiftory of the war, and it will be feen, that every point which he had to accomplish, he has been affifted in obtaining by the impolicy of our minifters. Lord Holland moved an amendment to the addrefs, in which there appears to be greater afperity than is ufually difcovered on fimilar occafions in the houfe of peers, or, indeed, in that of the commons. "We fhould receive with peculiar fatisfaction any [B 3]

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proof of his majefty's anxiety to reftore the bleffings of peace to thefe kingdoms; but we cannot conceal from ourselves, nor will we, by any ill-timed flattery, diffemble from his majefty, that a total change of councils appears to us neceffary for the accomplishment of that defirable end, and the re-establishment of peace on any fure or folid foundation." This amendment was feconded by the earl of Suffolk.

Ld Romney faid,that the noble lord (Holland) muft excufe him, when he declared that he fhould have thought much of what had fallen from him would have better become the mouth of Lucian Buonaparte in an addrefs to the French convention, than that of a British peer to a British parliament. He had afferted that the prefent war, and the conduct of it, formed one continued feries of illfuccefs and difgrace. Was there ever any war, in which Britain had ever been engaged, that was more glorious to the British name, more honourable to our flag, or that had afforded to frequent an opportunity for British feamen and their brave commanders to signalize themselves by billiant exploits? As to negotiation for peace, he faw no reafon to think that Buonaparte would not as willingly treat with the prefent minifters as with others. With regard to the high price of provifions, being a confiderable farmer himfelf, and living in a corn country, it had occurred to him, as a matter of great doubt, whether thofe purchafers of corn, who bought great quantities, did not do more harm than good? He begged leave alfo to fuggeft another regulation in the corn bufinefs, which was, that all corn fhould be brought into the market, and pitched, as in former

times: by that means every perfon would be able to judge for himself, whether there was much corn in the market or not; whereas now, while corn was fold by fample, a few growers met in a private room, and nobody knew whether there was much or little at market. In cafe all the corn fo brought into towns, fhould not be all of it fold on the market day, there should be in each town fmall granaries or warehoufes let at eafy rents, in which the unfold corn might be depofited till the next market day.Thefe hints of lord Romney's undoubtedly were of folid utility, and merited the ready and warm approbation which was beflowed on them by another patriotic nobleman, and friend to the poor. This was

The earl of Suffolk. His lordfhip entirely concurred in opinion with lord Romney, in what he had propofed for confideration on the fubject of the fcarcity. He allo concurred with him in opinion, that the greatest praife was due to our naval officers and feamen. They had, during the war, behaved moit glorioufly. But here he must stop: he could go no farther. On the contrary, he joined with he noble lord who moved the amendment, in thinking that our military operations had been, on the whole, ill conducted. His majefty's minifters, he maintained, were highly to blame, for not having inftituted an inquiry into feveral of the military expeditions of the war, which be specified.

Lord Grenville having followed lord Holland over the beaten ground of fincerity or infincerity in negotiation, the alleged connexion between war and carcity, which he faid had been clearly difproved,

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the convention of El-Arifh, and other particulars, came to the important point of the difference between treating with Buonaparte now and before the battle of Maringo. If Buonaparte were in that ho ife, faid his lordihip, and would fpeak truth, he muft acknowledge that the battle of Maringo was 'the fixing of his power. If he had not fucceeded on thofe plains, he had not now been chief conful of France. If he had not fucceeded, he must have been involved in total ruin. If the noble lord would minutely contemplate the pofture of affairs at that period, he would find that the power of Buonaparte was fufpended by a fine thread, and that his propofition for a negotiation arose not so much from a defire of peace, as to confirm him in his precarious power. Since that time, a fuccefion of events had confolidated his power, and he was now de facto ruler of France. On former occafions, his majefty's fervants had been embarraffed by their duty, which prevented them from ftating to the house all they knew refpecting France. At the prefent moment they felt no fuch difficulty: and he diftinctly declared, that, if the French government were fincerely defirous of peace, it might he concluded on fair and honourable terms. With refpect to our ally, it would not be right to lay that he had acted inconfiftently with his alliance, especially as he had given his affurance that he would not; but if, contrary to good faith, other councils fhould influence his conduct, then there would be no difficulty in negotiating feparately, including, however, thofe allies who remain with us. Though peace be a great object, though commerce be a great object, yet it was of im

portance that we should fhew to the world, that any nation entering into alliance with us, was fure never to be deferted.

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The earl of Suffolk afked minif ters what fteps and proceedings they meant to take to diminish the high price of provifions? He alfo begged leave to remark, that the number of dragoons was too great, and more than fufficient, as it was not poffible to employ them in any other than times of tumult and riot. He recommended the abstaining from brewing, and letting the barley grow folely for the ufe of the poor. allo reminded the house, of a fuggeftion which he had offered in a former feffion, namely, to concentrate all the force in the kingdom, as nearly in the middle of it as poffible, and to build vehicles that would hold ten men each, fo as to convey 10,000 troops, with little delay, wherever their exertions might be called for. Thefe vehicles, when not otherwife employed, might be fent to fetch fish from the coafts, which would be a confiderable relief to the poor and indigent.-On a divifion of the house, there appeared to be five voices for the amendment; and against it fifty: fo that the addrefs was carried by a great majority.A queftion was now put to minifters by the duke of Norfolk, of the fame purport with the earl of Suffolk's, to which no anfwer had been given. His grace wished to know on what days the fubjects contained in his majefty's fpeech were to be difcuffed? Lord Grenville faid, he could not exactly tell, becaufe it partly depended on the communications that were to be made to the houfe on the fubject of fcarcity, and partly on the bufinefs before the other houfe.-

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The duke of Norfolk then gave notice that he would move for the appointment of a committee to take into confideration the prefent high price of provifions.-Lord Grenville faid, it was probable that this would be the fame ftep that minifters might propose.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS, an address of thanks to his majesty was moved by

Sir J. Wrottefly, who juftified all the fentiments expreffed in the fpeech from the throne; but infifted chiefly on the juftice and neceffity of protecting farmers and other individuals dealing in grain from the infults, abuses, and outrages, of a mifguided multitude. His majefty, he obferved, in directing them to the confideration of the laws refpecting the various articles of provifion, had recommended a moft important diftinction between any practices of that nature, and the long-eftablished courfe of trade, which experience had fhewn to be indifpenfable in the prefent ftate of fociety. An addrefs, correfponding to the different topics and fentiments contained in the fpeech being then read, it was feconded by

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Mr. W. Dickenfon, junior. Mr. Dickenfon afcribed the prefent high price of provifions chiefly to circumftances, which neither the eye of 'caution could forefee, nor the hand of care prevent. He alluded to two unfruitful years treading hard At the comon the late harvest. mencement of the prefent harveft, there was not a month's confumption in the country. He believed, however, that there were other, though fecondary caufes of the dear-nefs of provifions, particularly the practices of foreftallers, regraters, and monopolifts; and if this de

feription of perfons could be convicted of heaping artificial on the real calamities of the country, there was, in his opinion, no punishment which the law could inflict too severe. Yet, he candidly admitted, that the legiflature fhould be particularly careful not to apply old or antiquated laws to the fair dealer of the prefent day; not to confound the unfair monopolift with the merchant, who was neceflary for the fupply of the markets. Mr. Dickenfon, among various pertinent remarks, made fome important obfervations on the evils that had befallen, and muft befall, free ftates, on the diffolution of confederacies neceffary to their political exiftence.

Mr. Dickenson, in conclufion declared, that he feconded the addrefs: 1ft. because it had been moved, in an able fpeech, by his honourable friend; 2d. because it manifefted our duty to our fovereign; 3d. because it afferted the independence and peculiar province of that houfe to grant the fupplies.

Sir Francis Burdett asked minifters how they dared to put into his majefty's mouth that which they themfelves and every man in the kingdom knew to be falfe. Having defcribed the distressful state of the country, which had been brought on by the politics of the minifters, he declared, that, as the addrefs went to approve the conduct of those to whom the public owed all its calamities, he should certainly moft ftrenuously oppofe it. For to the war folely, and the enormous taxes which it impofed, fir Francis afcribed the public diftrefs. He confidered money and bank notes as fo many tickets, entitling the bearer to fo many heads of cattle from the graziers, or fo many quar

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ters of corn from the cultivators of the earth. Sir Francis calculated, from the variety and weight of taxes, direct and indirect, that a very fmall fraction of a nine hundredth part of the produce remained to the cultivator as the reward of all the fweat, labour, and thirft employed upon his capital. The increafed price of every thing was to be afcribed to the increase of taxes. Belet with claimants, all induftry and produce would foon be at a ftand, if the producer did not find out fome means to ftruggle againft bis deftruction. He cannot deny the authority or validity of the tickets to which he muft answer: but he difputes their value, that is, he raifes his price, and thus gives only five perhaps for that ticket which was if fued for ten. The ticket-bearer is then difappointed, and either has his falary raifed, or an additional number of tickets for his next fervice or contract. The fame procefs is repeated: the tickets are multiplied, and the price rises; while the bulk of the nation, who have neither government tickets nor produce, are crushed between the two. Mr. Robson expreffed his difapprobation of the addrefs now moved for by the noble baronet, because it did not hold out to the public the true and deplorable state of the country, and the real caufe of the dearnels of corn; and, what was nearly as bad, at least to the middling Tank of the people, the dearnels of every neceffary of life. In the courfe of the three or four laft months he had had occafion to pafs

through moft of the principal coun ties in England; when he had the pleafure to fee plentiful crops, for the moft part well got in, and at a fmall expenfe. In the month of Auguft, and part of September, every body congratulated him, faying, Now, fir, we must have hread cheap! The fineft oats, now about 50s. were fold at Huntingdon, the laft week in Auguft, at 24s. Mr. Robfon here ftated three facts, which prove how ticklish a thing it is to agitate the public mind. A fhort time afterwards (alter the laft week of Augufi) a report appeared in the public newspapers by the board of agriculture: in which it was stated, that in the crop of the current year there had been a very confiderable deficiency. Corn immediately began to rife. The people on this became diffatisfied. Tumultuous meetings and mobs feizing the corn, grew into riots. A proclamation of government, in which a fearcity of grain was ftill more explicitly afferted than in the board of agriculture's proclamation, and very juftly fhewing the mifchievous folly of riots, inflead of appeafing the people, had a contrary effect: for they confidered it as a measure intended not to produce precaution and prudent economy, but merely to encourage and protect farmers, whofe interefts were the fame with thofe of the landlords and monopolizers. On the back of that proclamation came a letter, announcing fcarcity more forcibly ftill, from the duke of Portland, and very justly alfo reprobating and

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It is a remarkable and important truth, that if the conduct of government, or men of rank and power, admit of two interpretations, the people is always fure to adopt that which is the last generous or just on the part of their superiors.

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