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were on board; but that could not be pledged. When a ftate granted paports, it could only take the affidavits of the parties. The captor, his fearch, might find many articles not fpecified in thofe affidavits. The papers the captain muft have on board, defcribing the goods on board, and the deftination of the hip, might enable the captor to come at particulars, feldom communicated to the ftate which granted the paliports, therefore a convoy ought to be no protection. As to plunging into war precipitately, deprecated by his learned friend, adminiftration had not been forward to take hoftile measures, not until an application to the northern courts had produced an explicit avowal of their purposes. So foon as we underfood that a convention was figned, which we had every reafon to think hoftile to our rights and interefts, we had put ourfelves in a poliure to be prepared against the confequences-confequences which were pointed at our maritime fupenority and exiftence (long the favourite and avowed object of French ambition), and, of courfe, againft our national exiftence: against fuch confequences we had put ourselves in a pofture to be prepared. We were only guarding ourfelves against the determinations we had obferved. The pretenfions of the northern confederacy might not be pushed to the extent apprehended; if fo, hoftilities would not enfue: at all events, measures ought to be taken for fe, curity.

The folicitor-general having thus eftablished the juftice of our claims, and the neceffity of afferting and maintaining them, thought it neceffary, before he fat down, to make fome obfervations on the general

tone and tendency of the speech, by which the amendment was introduced. Among other firictures, he afked, whether we ought, deliberately, to lay plans for fruftrating our own hopes? To labour to difhearten and difunite those on whose union and courage our fafety wholly depended? What could gentlemen propose or promise to themselves, by holding out to view the most gloomy and exaggerated pictures of our fituation? What could be their aim in this ftrange difplay and application of their eloquence? Could the reputation of being thought clever outweigh all regard to their ftake in the ftate? Suppofing that they fhould completely fucceed in perfuading the people to diftruft their government, their ftrength, and their refources, and to admire and dread the enemy with whom we had to contend, what advance would they have made towards bettering our condition, towards increafing our ftrength, and improving our fecurity? Were gentlemen afraid that we should be led, by a generous enthufiafm, to exert ourselves in the public caufe, beyond what might be perfectly confiftent with our individual interefts? Was that fo much the bent and temper of mankind, that prudent philofophers thought it neceffary to interpole their falutary admonitions, left a difinterested public fpirit fhould acquire too pow erful an afcendant? Was it for that purpose that honourable gentlemen thought themfelves called upon, in policy and in prudence, to endeayour to draw off the attention of a large portion of the people from the dangers that threatened their country, to the evils that threatened themselves? "I do not fee," faid the folicitor, "how, by dipicting thofe

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Never had a cafe occurred, in which, by act or treaty, we had abandoned the claim of fearching neutral bottoms for enemies property. By the exifting treaties between this country and the ftates of Denmark and Sweden, it would be fraud in them to convey enemies goods; but the convention which Denmark avowed to have figned, afferted that right: this, therefore, was a departure from treaty, and an act of hoftility. The convention allowed, indeel, the right of fearch, and confifcation of what was called contraband goods, though the advocates of that convention contended against any fearch whatever; but the folicitor-general contended, that if we fhould confent to any modification of our rights, the next step of the powers engaged in that convention, in obedience to the advice of their philofophical advocates, would be to infift, that all kinds of property on board merchant-fhips, fhould be protected from detention, and free from fearch. The whole of that pretenfion would be most affuredly advanced, for the prefent diftinction of contraband was artificial. There was no fuch diftinction, correctly fpeaking. All articles defigned for, and conducive to, the advantage of our enemy, were inadmiffible to be freely conveyed, and therefore contraband. If prepofterous diftinctions between one kind of goods and another were once admitted, the next step would be, that we could not take our enemies goods. It would be contended, that the inte:courfe of merchants ought not, on any account, to be interrupted. Against whom, then," faid the folicitor, are we to make war? Wy, against a metaphyfical being caled the ftate, as if the flate were

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any thing but the aggregate of the people." We attack their property, in order to reduce the refources of the fiate, which derives from them all its vigour. And if it was allowed that we have a right to capture the enemy's property at all, why fhould that right be done away, and the property be protected, because it was enclofed in a piece of wood? On the interpretation of that principle, Grotius did not conceive it poffible that there fhould arife any doubt. Dr. Lawrence had faid, that, if the northern powers had entered into a confederacy against England, they had received much provocation. If fuch cafes of grievance had been introduced into the inferior courts, the partics could have been redreffed by an appeal to the proper tribunal. They had the fecurity of the British character for a ftrictly upright and fair decifion; but, whatever that decifion might have been, no nation would be juftified in arming, in confequence of the decree of an admiralty court, without previous application to the flate by whom that court was appointed. As to the policy of our miniftry in not directly refifting, but for a time giving way to the combination of 1780, we now felt the ill effects of that policy. A fimilar compromife of our rights would, perhaps, expofe us to fome ftill greater evil on a future day. Had the pretenfion of the armed neutrality been refifted then, we fhould not now be difturbed by the repetition of it; but, he admitted, that the circumftances of the country in 1780 were different from what they are now.

With regard to the exemption of convoys, he confidered this as an abfurdity. The faith of a ftate might be pledged that no enemy's goods

were

were on board; but that could not be pledged. When a ftate granted palports, it could only take the affarits of the parties. The captor, in his fearch, might find many articles not fpecified in thofe affidavits. The papers the captain must have on board, defcribing the goods on board, and the deftination of the hip, might enable the captor to come at particulars, feldom communicated to the state which granted the passports, therefore a convoy ought to be no protection. As to plunging into war precipitately, deprecated by his learned friend, adminiftration had not been forward to take hoftile measures, not until an application to the northern courts had produced an explicit avowal of their purposes. So foon as we understood that a convention was figned, which we had every reafon to think hoftile to our rights and interefts, we had put ourselves in a posture to be prepared against the confequences confequences which were pointed at our maritime fuperiority and exiftence (long the favourite and avowed object of French ambition), and, of courfe, againft our national existence: against fuch confequences we had put ourselves in a posture to be prepared. We were only guarding ourselves against the determinations we had obferved. The pretenfions of the northern confederacy might not be pushed to the extent apprehended; if fo, hoftilities would not enfue: at all events, meafures ought to be taken for fe, curity.

The folicitor-general having thus established the juftice of our claims, and the neceffity of afferting and maintaining them, thought it neceffary, before he fat down, to make fome obfervations on the general

tone and tendency of the fpeech, by which the amendment was introduced. Among other firictures, he afked, whether we ought, deliberately, to lay plans for fruftrating our own hopes? To labour to dilhearten and difunite thofe on whose union and courage our fafety wholly depended? What could gentlemen propofe or promise to themselves, by holding out to view the most gloomy and exaggerated pictures of our fituation? What could be their aim in this ftrange difplay and application of their eloquence? Could the reputation of being thought clever outweigh all regard to their stake in the ftate? Suppofing that they fhould completely fucceed in perfuading the people to diftrust their government, their strength, and their refources, and to admire and dread the enemy with whom we had to contend, what advance would they have made towards bettering our condition, towards increafing our ftrength, and improving our fecurity? Were gentlemen afraid that we fhould be led, by a generous enthufiafm, to exert ourselves in the public caufe, beyond what might be perfectly confiftent with our individual interefts? Was that fo much the bent and temper of mankind, that prudent philofophers thought it neceffary to interpole their falutary admonitions, lest a difinterested public fpirit fhould acquire too powerful an afcendant? Was it for that purpose that honourable gentlemen thought themfelves called upon, in policy and in prudence, to endeavour to draw off the attention of a large portion of the people from the dangers that threatened their country, to the evils that threatened themfelves? "I do not fee,” said the folicitor," how, by dipicting those [E4]

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evils in the gloomieft colours, we, in any way, contribute to their alleviation. I wish to God that all the upper claffes of life would difplay the fame fober fortitude that has characterized the lower orders of the community. They have real and ferious evils to ftruggle with and to endure. There are thofe who are obliged to talk their imaginations for fubjects of complaint, which, if they would confels the honest truth, never broke in on one moment of their repofe, or robbed them of one moment of their enjoy ments. Yet, not contented with giving vent to their own mock lamentations, they are angry that thofe who really fuffered fhould fhew any degree of patience under their fufferings, and should not be ready to break out into infurrection against that government which was exerting its utmoft endeavours for their relief."--The important queftion of

the principle of the northern confederacy, the great and leading queftion in the counfels and conduct of nations at this time, was agitated in this feffion, on feveral occafions, again and again. It was difcuffed with fo much precifion, perfpicuity, folidity, and good fenfe, by Mr.Grant, on the motion for an amendment to the addrefs, that we have judged it proper to give more room to his reatoning, than it is permitted by our limits to give to moft fpeeches in parliament, because it will prevent the neceffity of our entering again into the fubfequent debates on that fubject. On a divifion of the house, the amendment was rejected by 245 againft 63. The original motion for an addrefs was carried without a divifion, and having been carried through the ufual ftages of bills and refolutions, was prefented to his majefty on the 4th of February,

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OF

CHA P. IV.

Progress of the War in Germany and Italy—and Termination.—The French under Moreau pafs the Ina-and the Sulza -Pufige of the Rhetian Alps to Divifion of the French Army of the Grifons under General Macdonald.Operations of the Gallo-Batavian Army under General Augertan.—Pofition of the Austrian Army after the French had croffed the Inn and the Salza.The Command of the Auftrian Army taken by the Archduke Charles.The French within fifty Miles of Vienna-Confternation of the Imperalifts. -Armistice of Steyer.-Affairs of Italy. -Disputes about the Polefino.Convention of Castiglione.—French Invasion of Tuscany.—Paffage of the Mincio by the French-and of the Adige.-Armifice of Trevijo,

to the eye

ed in the valley of the Inn, from

THAT event whichred the most Kofteen, as far as the Engadine,

prominent at this time, in the fifting Icene of European politics and war, and which, of all that paffed without the British empire, was noticed firft in his majefty's fpeech from the throne, we should now proceed to relate, if it were not neceffary, in the first place, to conclude our narrative of the great affairs of 1800, in the south of Europe: by which the formation and the progrefs of the northern confederacy against the maritime claims of Britain were so much influenced.

In order to improve the advantage gained by the great victory at Hohenlinden, on the 3d of December, 1800, general Moreau, keeping his face towards the capital of the Auftrian dominions, puthed on with the greatest rapidity to Saltzburgh; by the occupancy of which poft, he would double in the Tyrol, cut off from the main army of the imperialifts in Germany the corps employ

me ace the direct roads from Vienna to Italy, and, with the co-operation of the army under general Brune, if it should be victorious, of which no doubt was entertained, on the Adige and the Mincio, drive the Auftrians into Hungary. In his route to Saltzburgh it was neceflary to pafs two rivers; which enabled the retreating Auftrians to retard his march, and, in fome degree, to weaken his force, by a vigorous refiftance. Thefe were the Inn and the Salza. The Inn, rifing in the country of the Grifons, and paffing through Tyrol and Bavaria, falls into the Danube near Paffaw. The bed of this river is deep, its current rapid, and its right bank, from the Alps to its junction with the Danube, fortified by a chain of rocks. It was confidered by the marshal Turenne as one of the strongest military barriers in Europe. The Salza, though neither fo large nor quite fo rapid as

the

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