fufficient for the prefervation of your rights? Or is it the work of a party, who, following all the windings of a crooked policy, wifhed to make the government of a ftate the property of a certain clafs of individuals? Does not this conftitution deprive you of the knowledge, fo defirable, of your own affairs? Does it not deprive you of that perfonal adminiftration, without which there can exift neither order nor economy? Has it not reduced you to the neceffity, to feek at diftance, decifions upon your domeftic interests which you were accustomed to have almoft without ftirring for them? Can the general adminiftration efficaciously protect and defend you? Thofe whofe duty is to inftruct and counfel, can they fee all themselves? The objects fubmitted to their deliberations, multiplied into infinity and placed at immenfe diftances, like as upon a rugged rock whofe approach is furrounded with difficulties, can they be feized by them, whatever may be their courage and their conftancy? The firft minifters of the state, to prevent a ftagnation in public af fairs, are found to be furrounded with a multitude of fubalterns, of which the leaft evil is an increale of expense. When the courfe of human affairs is confidered with impartiality, ought we not to fear, that perfons, to whom no refponfibility attaches, may acquire an influence dangerous to public affairs, and that minifters may become, notwithflanding their vigilance, the inftruments of the corruption of their agents? This ftate is the more to be fufpected, as thefe agents may find the means to efcape detection, by obtaining, by falle reprefentation, orders under which they may cover their abufe of confidence. This picture, citizens, however fad and difcouraging it may appear, is not at all overcharged. It is the fruit of experience acquired on the part of government committed to our care. But far from ftopping here, we fhould regard as the elfects of a heated imagination, thofe defects which we have just detailed, if the deliberations and refolutions of the representative body did not oblige us to remark their fimilar vices to thofe we fo fadly deplore. How many laws difcufled among them for three years, can be confidered as general rules of conduct? Do there not exist as many particular laws as public ones? And does not the number increase every day with the wants and griefs of the inhabitants? The innumerable refolutions paralyze the executive government, and bewilder those citizens, whofe duty or whole business obliges them to approach the abyfs. Far be it from us, however, to throw fufpicion on the head of the legiflators. It is in the nature of things that we must act; and in order to leave no doubt upon this point, we will examine, with equal imparti ality, the fum of their labours, It will be fufficient to recall to your minds the diverfity of opinions upon feveral important articles; the difficulties which retarded the establifhment of fome of the organic laws of the conftitution; the con flicting fentiments which thefe propofitions caufed in the two cham bers; the numerous reports which it was neceflary to prefent upon one fingle affair, to understand it well, and in particular the labour upon the adminiftration of the poor; upon the municipalities; that upon the civil tribunals, difcuffed a long time without any ultimate decision-in fhort, the tedious and embarraffing manner in which the moft minute affairs were managed. You must conclude then with us, citizens, that the legiflative affembly could not, whatever was its zeal and energy, overcome the vices and obftacles caused by its organization. The complication of conftruction impeded its progrefs, and its evident effect was public and private ruin.This fate of things, citizens, has long attracted our notice. Situated, by the nature of our functions, in a manner to appreciate the danger, could we avoid the obligation of finding the means to bring them to an end? But it was not fufficient to know the evil and the remedy; we ought, like prudent phyficians, to take into confideration the state of the patient, and not run the riik of killing him, by adminiftering, without caution, the remedies which ought to operate for his cure. What had already palled, fufficiently demontirated the neceffity of refting upon a folid bafis civil and political liberty, before we abandoned that fyftem, the fruit of our revolution, to the incertitude of fu ture events. Neither could a momentary fufpicion be entertained that the fladtholder should be reftored: that would have been giving to the cabinet of St. James's that fatal influence which the has already used for the deftruction of the profperity of this once happy and flourishing country. Thus far, then, the fituation of affairs in Europe has given to the partizans of the houfe of Orange a hope of realizing their wishes. We could neither hope fuccefs to our ef 1 forts, nor union of wills and fentiments; but at prefent, that this queftion is for ever determined, as it appears no cabinet nourishes the plan of reftoring the ftadtholder, we thought we could no longer delay a project, which a longer delay might have rendered abortive. At prefent we feel ourselves as happy in being able to addrefs ourfelves, not as the heads of a party, but to the whole of the republic; and to count equally upon those, who, carried away by a blind zeal or feduced by prejudices, have hitherto fearched for their country out of the country, and who, notwithftanding, have never ceafed to find there protection for their pertons and their property. Peace is figned on the continent : the houfe of Auftria has recognised our independence; our political relations with Ruffia are renewed. Soon we fhall reckon her envoy among the number of ambassadors of fo many other people, allies, friends, and neighbours. The French government cannot admit our independence with greater eclat than by the laft convention which he has just concluded; a convention which confiderably diminifles expenfes, and at the fame time takes from calumny that pretext with which the has attempted more than once to ferve herfelf, by drawing from the nature of the relation of the French army with the government, confequences equally injurious to the French nation and humiliating to our republic. Could we have jufuhed ourselves to our fellow-citizens, or in our own eyes, if, far from profiting by fuch favourable circumftances, the re public had been afligned, at the period of a general peace, a rank be Y 4 low low what he had a right to expect? By that alone, we had hefitated to treat with a government which of fered no guarantee, and, in effect, liable to be overturned in a year and a half, the epoch fixed for a revifion of the conftitution. Who could have an wered, that it would then have taken effect in fuch a ftate of incertitude, of which we have already experienced the pernicious influ ence. You know, citizens, that fix years ago we made to the legislative body a propofition which had for its object the amelioration of the fundamental laws of the ftate. You were then, without doubt, convinced, by the courfe of its deliberations, that it is impoflible (as the national convention has already furnished another proof) that fo numerous an affembly, agitated by fo many different paffions, could give to the state a good conftitution. Thole who are called to defend and protect the ftate, with with good faith its happinets; and its fafety cannot expofe it to new agitations. Penetrated with this truth, and ftrong in the conviction that we have nothing in view but your welfare and your glory, we have formed a plan of a conftitution which fteers a middle courle between the different opinions which have hitherto diftracted the inhabitants of the county, and in winch we are alfured that the leading features are not difplcating to our natural ally, We have done more: in fbmitting this plan to the judgement of the people, we have given intelligence to the two chambers of the reprefentative body. And, in ine, that every thing may pals with order, we have refolved as follows:- Ift. As foon as thefe prefents are ready, the municipality fhall fubmit to public examination a fufficient number of copies of this proclamation, and of the project of a confiitution annexed. 2d. The 1ft of October next they fhall open regifters in every commune of the republic, and fall furnifh to every citizen of twenty years of age, who fhall not be excluded the right of voting by the 13th atticle of the conftitution, the means of giving his fuffrage by aye or non, upon the prefented plan. 3d. The 6th of October thefe regifters fhall be closed-the adminif tration of every commune fhall fend the lift of the votes to the executive directory as foon as poffible, and at the lateft, by the 15th of October, joining a general lift of the actual citizens in their commune, that they may be enabled to communicate to the Batavian people the refult of the votes. Every actual citizen, who does not vote, fhall be confidered as approving the plan of conftitution. Such, citizens, is the fruit of our long and painful meditations. At prefent, it remains with you to determine whether the project we prefent accords with your true interefts, and has for its real objects the happiness of the people. Let mature reflection guide your judgement, and fupprefs your paffions; never forget that you are going to pronounce upon the fate of your country. For our parts, citizens, we hall attend with refignation the refult of your deliberations ; and whatever may be the confequences of your opinion, convinced that right was intended, we shall not doubt but that your judgement is that of all Europe. The executive directory orders that this proclamation be fixed up THE plan of a conftitution which our duty and knowledge of your true intereft obliged us to lay befo e you, has been accepted out of the 416,419 whofe names were given in to us as entitled to vote, only 52,219 have voted for its rejection. By far the greater part of the nation have therefore given an unequivocal proof of their coinciding with us in fentiment relative to the principles and form of the future conftitution. There can therefore no longer be any doubt of your with and choice, fince nothing prevents you from expreffing them. Every thing in the conftitution which was a refiraint upon you we have removed Tranquillity will now reign perpetually amidit you, fince you have deliberated and confirmed your choice. And though we have uled every exertion to prevent your being milled by the ignorant and prejudiced, we have not had recourfe either to force or intimidation to compel the acceptance of a conftitution which you might confider as detrimental to your interefts. At length a new order of things is, with your confent, established, and in which you have all, without dif tinction of rank or opinion, been able to co-operate; and if ever a plan of fuch importance was carried into effect under fortunate aufpices it is this. While you are employed in eftablifhing a wife and moderate conftitution, conformable to your natural character and manners, and conducive to your happinels, fecurity, and welfare, the foundations have been laid abroad of a peace which embraces all the countries and feas of Europe, and the most distant parts of the world; which enables tortured humanity again to breathe, and affords you diftant profpect of reaping the fruits of your fidelity and perfeverance, the reward of all your numberlefs tacrifices. Batavians, be happy in the conftitution which you have accepted, and confirm it by your virtues and amity. We hali immediately, according to the 10th article of this conftitution, nominate feven citizens, who, with five others, chofen by them, fhall form the council of fate of the Batavian republic, that the new confiitution may be carried into effect as tpeedily as poilible, agreeably to your withes. The directory commands that this proclamation thall be made public, and affixed in all the utual places. Given at the Hague, the 16th of October, 1801, in the 7th year of Batavian liberty. (Signed) Van Haernfolje.. C. Dallevac, loco fec. Memorial, Memorial, tranfmitted by his Serene Highness the Stadtholder to Lord Hawkesbury, previous to the Departure of his Serene Highness from Hampton-Court. ΤΗ HE prince of Orange being informed, that the ratifications of the preliminary articles of peace between his Britannic majef ty and the French republic, figned on the 1ft inft. have been exchanged on the 10th; and thofe articles, as publifhed by government, having thus come to his knowledge, thinks he ought not to delay any longer, in a conjuncture fo important to his interefts, and those of his houfe, to exprefs, without referve, his fentiments and his wishes to his majefty. The unfortunate circumftances which obliged the prince of Orange and his family to repair to England, in the year 1795, are too well known to make it neceffary to renew the statement of them in this place. After having been received by his majefty with the most affecting kindnels, the prince of Orange experienced no lefs convincing proofs of his majefty's goodnefs towards him during his ftay in this country, where he has conftantly been treated with the most generous hofpitality. On every occafion he received unequivocal affurances and marks of the unvaried intereft which his majefty and his government continued to take, not only in what related to himfelf and to his family, but also to the numerous and faithful adherents of the houfe of Orange, and the ancient conflitution of the republic of the United Provinces. Thefe marks of intereft had fo often heen repeated, that the prince of Orange has not even conceived it to be necef fary for him to make any formal demand, founded upon the folemn engagements by which Great Britain guarantied, in 1788, the stadtholderate, and the other dignities hereditary in his houfe. The prince of Orange has feen, with great concern, the courfe of events lead gradually to a state of things very different from that under which thefe engagements had been formed, and by which the probabili ty of their being completely fulfilled was from day to day diminishing. Nevertheless, as long as the war was continued, he could never prevail upon himself to give up that hope entirely; but he awaited in filence the final iffue of events. Now that the preliminaries of peace are concluded on the conditions known to the public, without the prince of Orange having received any information that any thing has been ftipulated with refpect to himfelf, he thinks himfelf under the obligation of breaking the filence he has hitherto thought fit to oblerve, and confiders it as his indifpenfable duty to recommend, in the ftrongeft and most prefing manner, to the king's folicitude and powerful protection, at the approaching conferences for the formation of the definitive treaty, his own interefts, thofe of his house, and of a confiderable number of his countrymen, who are become the unfortunate victims of their anfhaken zeal for his perfon and his caufe of their tried fidelity to the ancient government of their native country, and of their attachment to that fyftem which has fo long and fo clofely united the republic of the United Provinces to Great Britain. The prince of Orange thinks it would be injuring the generous feelings of his majesty and his government |