We have just issued "The Child's Pictorial Scripture Question Book" designed for the smaller children in Sabbath School. By Minnie S. Davis. It contains twelve beautiful and simple lessons on the following subjects.God our Father; The Saviour; the Birth of Jesus; The Life of Jesus; Jesus and Little Children; Prayer; The Golden Rule; The Bible; Forgiveness; The Resurrection; The Sabbath; The Young Christian. It is illustrated with fifteen fine engravings, and is pronounced by all who have seen or used it to be just what has long been wanted. One entire edition has been sold in four weeks, and the demand is still increasing. Sent by Mail, postage prepaid, 15 Copies for $1.00. WILL BE PUBLISHED JUNE 1ST. THE SUNDAY SCHOOL COMPANION, A new Lesson Book for Bible Classes and Families. By J. G. Bartholomew (Pastor of the Roxbury Universalist Society.) This work takes up the various topics in the Bible in the form of question and answer, and a Scripture passage to sustain every Answer. It will be printed on fine calendered paper, and illustrated with engravings. Its mechanical execution will be superior to anything of the kind ever before issued in our denomination. We have advance orders from several schools from those who have seen the advance sheets, which is a sufficient evidence of the value of the work. Price $2.50 per dozen, or by Mail. post paid, $3.00. TOMPKINS & Co., PUBLISHERS, 25 Cornhill. New Edition. . . . . Price Reduced. We have just issued a new edition of Paige's Commentary. 4 vols.: Vol. 1, Matthew and Mark; Vol. 2 Luke and John; Vol. 3. Acts; Vol. 4, Romans ; and have reduced the price from One Dollar to 75 cts. per volume. No Universalist should be without this invaluable work, and we have made the price so as to place it within the reach of all. Buy it, and you can read the New Testament Scripture with a clear understanding of their meaning. Sent by Mail, single or in sets, post paid, for 75 cts. per volume. TOMPKINS & Co., 25 Cornhill, Boston. Address, Mrs. Soule's Last and Best Work! JUST PUBLISHED, in one handsome volume, on fine paper, with Illustrations, the beautiful story written by MRS. CAROLINE A. SOULE, (and published in the last volume of the LADIES' REPOSITORY), entitled WINE OR WATER.” It is pronounced, by all who have read it, to be one of the best TEMPERANCE STORIES ever written; and wherever circulated, its influence will be felt. The evils of intemperance are portrayed with a masterly hand, and the effective power of Moral Suasion is shown in all its beauty. Every family should have a copy of this Book. It is thoroughly revised and published in one volume 12 mo.-Price $1,00. Full Gilt, $1,50. Agents wanted in all parts of the country, to whom a liberal discount will be given. Sent by mail, post paid, on the receipt of the price as above. TOMPKINS & Co., Publishers, No. 25, Cornhill, Boston. A BLACK LIST. In the next Number we shall publish a list of all delinquents who give no good reason for not paying. T. & Co ART. IX. A Review of the Reasons Assigned for the Rebellion. WHEN the people of a realm, or any considerable portion of them, attempt to change the existing and legitimate government under which they live, the civilized world requires at their hand some justification of the attempt. They must show beyond all reasonable doubt, that they have endured at the hand of the government, wrongs, abuses and oppressions that amply justifiy the destruction of every interest they put in peril by their resistance of the government. It is, of course, to be taken for granted that no government will permit itself to be overthrown, without exerting to the utmost every power it possesses for self-preservation. The attempt, therefore, to resist an established government, means war, and involves all the responsibility that attaches to the inauguration of civil war. It means revolution; it aims at a radical change, or the entire overthrow of the government; and those who think that such an attempt can succeed peacefully, especially when inaugurated by treachery, robbery and the gathering of armed hosts to resist and destroy the government, only show their inability to comprehend what is meant by such a movement, the object at which it aims, or the consequences it involves. It is war with all its tremendous responsibilities; war with all the terrible evils that always follow in its train. It is incumbent, therefore, upon those who initiate such a movement to show that the wrongs which they seek to redress and evils they propose to correct, are such as to justify the peril in which they put every civil and social interest. Only when they shall have convinced the best judgment of the civilized world on this point, will they themselves be held innocent of the terrible calamity which through their means has been brought upon the land. They can hope to escape the condemnation of the world by showing-not simply by asserting or protesting, but by proving to the common sense of mankind-that their resistance of the government-that their appeal to arms, for that is what it always means-is in behalf of the people whose unquestionable rights have been disregarded or violated by the government. Till they do this they will be held responsible for all the evils that naturally result from the course they have chosen to pursue. If they invoke the ordeal of civil war, they are bound to show the world that the evils they seek to remove or the good they propose to secure, amply justify every peril and every sacrifice naturally involved in the measures they propose as a remedy. This they must do, before they can change the responsibility of the war from themselves who have commenced it, to the government whose abuses and oppressions have driven them to this last terrible remedy. But this is not all that is incumbent on them. They must not only show that the abuses of the government are sufficient to justify an appeal to arms; but that they have exhausted all peaceful methods of redress; that the only alternative left them is a cowardly surrender of their most sacred rights, or resistance to the government which, in spite of all remonstrance and entreaty, still persists in its deliberate violation of those rights. This is the only course by which the people, or any considerable portion of them, can justify themselves before the world, for an attempt to resist the government of the realm. There must be wrongs, abuses and oppressions of sufficient magnitude to vindicate an appeal to arms, with all the perils and sacrifices that usually attend such a course. All milder means of redress must have been fairly exhausted, leaving the oppressed people the fiery path of war as the only avenue through which they can hope to escape the tyranny of the government, and secure the rights of which they have been dispoiled. Besides these conditions, there must be a reasonable prospect that the measures by which they propose to secure their rights will succeed. For, whatever the evils under which a people suffer, or however hopeless any other path of escape, it would be regarded simply as the last paroxysm of madness to imperil every interest by plunging themselves into the terrible arena of war, without some reasonable prospect of success. It is hardly possible for any people, through the abuses of their government, to be reduced to such extremity that they have nothing more to lose. As loyal subjects, their condition under the govern ment cannot be so deplorable as the condition of traitors, in which they will place themselves by an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the government. Under the worst government that ever existed, the condition of a loyal citizen is far preferable to that of the traitor. Hence a fair prospect of success is an indispensable condition of any justifiable attempt to overthrow an established and legitimate government, however intolerable may be the burdens it imposes upon its subjects. The right of revolution is not denied or called in question. On the contrary, it is admitted in the fullest extent. It is to be held sacred, as the last resort of an oppressed and down-trodden people; the last measure by which to free themselves from oppressors and secure their rights, to be adopted only under the conditions already named: 1st. Wrongs to be redressed and rights to be secured momentous enough to justify revolution; 2nd. All other methods of adjustment fruitlessly exhausted; and 3rd. A reasonable prospect of success. As a complete illustration of these remarks, take the "Declaration of Independence." It is too brief to be condensed, too long to be quoted, and too familiar to need either.. Yet the charges there brought against the King of England are worthy of notice in this connection. He is there accused of "withholding his assent to most wholesome and necessary laws; suspending the operation of laws of the most pressing importance, till they received his sanction, and then refusing to attend to them; refusing to pass necessary laws unless the people petitioning for them would relinquish their right of representation; assembling legislative bodies, at unusual and uncomfortable places, at a distance from their public records; dissolving representative houses, for resisting his invasions of the people's rights; refusing to have other houses elected, thus virtually depriving the people of the benefits as well as the right of legislation; endeavoring to prevent the population of the States, through adverse naturalization laws, and withholding grants of land; obstructing the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to necessary laws; making judges dependent on his will for both office and salary; creating new offices and sending swarms of officers to harrass the people; attempting to subject the people to a foreign and unacknowledged jurisdiction; sanctioning the acts of pretended legislatures for quartering armed troops upon the peo |