traverse every ocean, and trade at every mart in the known world. Its navy has been employed to guard and protect alike an extended sea-coast from Maine to Texas, and from Oregon to the lowest limits of California. Uncounted millions of money-have been expended on forts and fortresses to serve as a protection to the very people who renounce their allegiance to the government, and are engaged in a wicked attempt to overthrow it. Millions more have been expended on Post-Office buildings and Custom Houses, not only to facilitate its own business, but to ornament and adorn cities, and awaken a just pride in its behalf. In short, being a government of the people, it has sought to elevate and advance the people in every way practicable, by the opening of new domains to industry-developing the arts and sciences-encouraging inventors and discoverers -disseminating intelligence, and in a thousand other ways equally honorable to a great and free people.

If, therefore, we are right in our fundamental principle, that the first and highest obligation of the citizen is due to the Federal government, it follows that the people of the South have committed, to say the least, a very grave mistake, and the page of history which shall record the rebellion of 1861, will be anything but bright and glowing; and will hand down the names of the actors to posterity as anything but honorable and patriotic. An intense feeling of State pride is mistaken for patriotic devotion. They are by no means identical. On the contrary, they are as divergent as the poles. Patriotism is not the love of a State, or of a section: it is the love of country. The New Englander is a patriot, not because he loves New England, but because he loves his country, and his whole country; and at his country's call, he will as soon march to the defence of loyal South Carolina, if envaded by a foreign enemy, as of Maine or New York.

So with the loyal Englishman. It is not his pride and boast that he hails from London, or Manchester, or Liverpool or some particular province of the Empire, but that he is an Englishman. So too, with the loyal Frenchman. It is not so much his ambition to have it understood that he comes from Paris, or some other special locality, as that he is a Frenchman. So with the American patriot. How much soever he may pride himself on the State or locality

which gave him birth-how much soever of preference he may give to that, it is his country that he loves and it is that for which he will peril life and fortune. The late resignations, therefore, of officers in the army and navy of the United States, on the ground that they were of Southern birth and could not fight against their Southern brethren, show a spirit anything but patriotic and anything but wor thy the American soldier and the American seaman. And yet these same tender-hearted and chivalrous gentlemen, join the so-called Confederate army and navy and are burning for opportunities to shoot down the men of New England and of New York and of the free West. It is enough for the patriotic soldier and seaman to know that his country's flag has been violated, and true to his profession and true to the flag, he will not stop to inquire who has done it, but will hasten to avenge the insult.

Your dwelling has been fired. When you come to ascertain that he who applied the torch of the incendiary is one among you, shall all legal and judicial proceedings be stopped, because the offender is a neighbor and perhaps a relative. A murder has been committed. The accused has been arrested. The jury sit upon the case and bring in a verdict of guilty, but recommend that the prisoner be allowed to go free because he was born where they were! Out upon such jurisprudence as this! And out, too, upon the patriots who cannot rush to the rescue of their country, when assailed by traitors, because they chance to be of home birth!

The theory of State Rights, therefore, as it is held in some portions of the Confederacy, is not ony a fundamental but a fatal error. If it is good doctrine in Missouri, it is in Illinois. If good in South Carolina, it is good in New York. If good in Texas, it is good in Massachusetts. If one State can say she will no longer regard the Constitution as the fundamental law, that she will no longer recognize allegiance to the Federal government; then each and all can say so, and our Union of States, comprising our great and grand Confederacy, for which our fathers fought and died, is gone and becomes but "the baseless fabric of a vision." Do the revolted States form a new Confederacy? But what will bind them together in a new Confederacy, so long as the theory of State Rights prevails? That theory will be just as fatal to any new as it has been to the old Confederacy.

But let the Union be broken up and instead of a new Confederacy of those States, of any power and permanency, there will soon, from conflict of interests and the prevalence of State Rights doctrine, be as many petty governments as there are States-jealous of each other-warring upon each other, and finally, after their strength and resources are exhausted they will fall an easy prey to the foreign invader. This is just the result that several European nations are looking for and counting on. Hence their sympathy for those among us who are laboring for dissolution.

Let this result be accomplished and how will the Declaration of Independence then read? Who will then celebrate the Fourth of July? What significancy will there then be in the Bunker Hill Monument? What will

the Star-Spangled Banner signify-its stars blotted out and its stripes faded and torn! Shall this be so?" Never," exclaims every patriotic freeman! But it will be so if this theory of State Rights becomes triumphant throughout the land, for we most solemnly believe that this has been the great fundamental cause of all our national difficulties at the present time. It is the Pandora's box, from which all our troubles have sprung. I love my native State. I love the State of my adoption, but I love my country more; but my country is not a section-it is not a State. It extends from Maine to Georgia and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The government to which I owe my first and highest allegiance is that established by Washington and Jefferson and Madison and their compatriots, whose names adorn the page of American history, and when I hear the voice of my country, calling upon me to aid in the defence of the rights of loyal Virginia, or of Georgia, or of Louisiana, I shall feel as solemnly bound to respond to the call, as I should if called to defend the rights of New York or of Illinois.

Pertinent to our subject and applicable to the present political condition of the nation, is much of " Washington's Farewell Address" to the people of the United States on the occasion of his retirement from public life. He says, "The unity of government which constitutes. you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from

different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth-as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed ; it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts."

"This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence, and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with the hours, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government; but the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government,

The

"All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character, with the real design to directly control, counteract or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency." "If in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers, be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by

an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed."

Thus Washington, though dead, still speaks. Let us give heed to his words of wisdom and inspired by his example of lofty patriotism and self-sacrificing devotion to the interests of his country, let us renew our vows of fidelity to our government and to the principles of our fathers, as set forth in the immortal Declaration, and in the Constitution. of the Government, which they framed and under which we have so long lived and flourished. The duty of every citizen is truly and forcibly and eloquently expressed in the patriotic and statesmanlike words of a dying Senator-a Senator whose sun went down among us a few months ago in a blaze of glory-words which he bequeathed to his children as his dying and most precious inheritance-words which henceforth become historic-words which deserve to be deeply engraved upon the marble monument to be erected. to his memory: "Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States."

J. M. D.

ART. XVII.

The Holy Spirit.

THE phrase Holy Ghost does not occur in the Old Testament, neither does Holy Spirit but a few times. In the New Testament the term Holy Ghost is found in numerous places, and means the same as Holy Spirit, for it is trans.lated from the same word. It seems to us that Holy Spirit is much preferable to the other form of expression, since ghost has such unpleasant associations, and often awakens apprehensions of evil, and fears of danger or harm. People are sometimes frightened at a ghost, or fear they shall be. Plainly, all epithets which we apply to God, all words which in any way bring him to view, should be