problems with which we have to deal in our modern industrial and social life are manifold; but the spirit in which it is necessary to approach their solution is simply the spirit of honesty, of courage, and of common sense.

IRRIGATION.

In inaugurating the great work of irrigation in the west the administration has been enabled by Congress to take one of the longest strides ever taken under our Government toward utilizing our vast national domain for the settler, the actual home-maker.

PANAMA CANAL RECORD AN HONORABLE ONE.

Ever since this continent was discovered the need of an isthmian canal to connect the Pacific and the Atlantic has been recog nized; and ever since the birth of our nation such a canal has been planned. At last the dream has become a reality. The isthmian canal is now being built by the Government of the United States. We conducted the negotiation for its construction with the nicest and most scrupulous honor, and in a spirit of the largest generosity toward those through whose territory it was to run. Every sinister effort which could be devised by the spirit of faction or the spirit of self-interest was made in order to defeat the treaty with Panama and thereby prevent the consummation of this work. The construction of the canal is now an assured fact; but most certainly it is unwise to entrust the carrying out of so! momentous a policy to those who have endeavored to defeat the whole undertaking.

FOREIGN POLICY COMMANDS RESPECT.

Our foreign policy has been so conducted that while not one of our just claims has been sacrificed our relations with all foreign nations are now of the most peaceful kind; there is not a Icloud on the horizon. The last cause of irritation between us and any other nation was removed by the settlement of the Alaskan boundary.

In the Caribbean Sea we have made good our promises of independence to Cuba, and have proved our assertion that our mission in the island was one of justice and not of self-aggrandizement; and thereby no less than by our action in Venezuela and Panama we have shown that the Monroe Doctrine is a living reality, designed for the hurt of no nation, but for the protection of civilization on the western continent and for the peace of the world. Our steady growth in power has gone hand in hand with a strengthening disposition to use this power with strict regard for the rights of others, and for the cause of international justice and good-will.

We earnestly desire friendship with all the nations of the new and old worlds; and we endeavor to place our relations with them upon a basis of reciprocal advantage instead of hostility. We hold that the prosperity of each nation is an aid and not a hindrance to the prosperity of other nations. We seek international amity for the same reasons that make us believe in peace within our own borders; and we seek this peace not because we are afraid or unready, but because we think that peace is right as well as advantageous.

American interests in the Pacific have rapidly grown. American enterprise has laid a cable across this, the greatest of oceans. We have proved in effective fashion that we wish the Chinese Empire well and desire its integrity and independence.

THE PHILIPPINE POLICY.

Our foothold in the Philippines greatly strengthens our position in the competition for the trade of the east; but we are governing the Philippines in the interest of the Philippine people themselves. We have already given them a large share in their government, and our purpose is to increase this share as rapidly as they give evidence of increasing fitness for the task. The great majority of the officials of the islands, whether elective or appointive, are already native Filipinos. We are now providing for

a legislative assembly. This is the first step to be taken in the future; and it would be eminently unwise to declare what our next step will be until this first step has been taken and the results are manifest. To have gone faster than we have already gone in giving the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-government would have been disastrous. At the present moment to give political independence to the islands would result in the immediate loss of civil rights, personal liberty and public order, as regards the mass of the Filipinos, for the majority of the islanders have been given these great boons by us and only keep them because we vigilantly safeguard and guarantee them. To withdraw our government from the islands at this time would mean to the average native the loss of his barely-won civil freedom. We have established in the islands a government by Americans assisted by Filipinos. We are steadily striving to transform this into self-government by the Filipinos assisted by Americans.

CONTENT TO STAND OR FALL BY RECORD MADE.

The principles which we uphold should appeal to all our countrymen, in all portions of our country. Above all they should give us strength with the men and women who are the spiritual heirs of those who upheld the hands of Abraham Lincoln; for we are striving to do our work in the spirit with which Lincoln approached his. During the seven years that have just passed there is no duty, domestic or foreign, which we have shirked; no necessary task which we have feared to undertake, or which we have not performed with reasonable efficiency. We have never pleaded impotence. We have never sought refuge in criticism and complaint instead of action. We face the future with our past and our present as guarantors of our promises; and we are content to stand or to fall by the record which we have made and are making.

SENATOR FAIRBANKS TO NOTIFICATION

COMMITTEE.

Mr. Root and Gentlemen of the Committee:

I thank you for the very generous terms in which you have conveyed the official notification of my nomination for Vice President of the United States. The unsolicited and unanimous nomination by the Republican party is a call to duty which I am pleased to obey.

I accept the commission which you bring with a profound sense of the dignity and responsibilities of the exalted position for which I have been nominated. My utmost endeavor will be to discharge in full measure the trust, if the action of the convention shall meet the approval of the American people.

THE PLATFORM.

The platform adopted by the convention is an explicit and emphatic declaration of principles in entire harmony with those policies of our party which have brought great honor and prosperity to our common country, and which, if continued, will bring us like blessings in the future.

THE MONETARY POLICY.

The monetary and economic policies which have been so forcibly reannounced, lie at the very foundation of our industrial life, and are essential to the fullest development of our national strength. They give vitality to our manufactures and commerce, and if impaired or overthrown, there would inevitably ensue a period of industrial depression, to the serious injury of the vast interests of both labor and capital.

The Republican party, since it preserved the integrity of the Republic and gave freedom to the oppressed, never rendered a more important service to the country than when it established the gold standard. Under it we have increased our currency supply sufficiently to meet the normal requirements of business. It is gratifying that the convention made frank and explicit declaration of the inflexible purpose of the party to maintain the

gold standard. It is essential not only that the standard should be as good as the best in the world, but that the people should have the assurance that it will be so maintained.

The enemies of sound money were powerful enough to suppress mention of the gold standard in the platform lately adopted by the Democratic national convention. The leader of Democracy in two great national campaigns has declared since the adjournment of the convention that as soon as the election is over, he will undertake to organize the forces within the Democratic party for the next national contest. for the purpose of advancing the radical policies for which his element of the party stands. He frankly says that the money question is for the present "in abeyance." In view of these palpable facts, it is not the part of wisdom to abandon our vigilance in safeguarding the integrity of our monetary system. We must have not only a President who is unalterably committed to the gold standard, but both Houses of Congress in entire accord with him upon the subject.

In Congress and not with the President rests the supreme power to determine the standard of our money. Though the Chief Executive should oppose, the Congress, acting within its independent constitutional authority, could at any time overthrow or change the monetary standard.

THE PROTECTIVE POLICY.

The wisdom of our protective policy finds complete justification in the industrial development of the country. This policy has become a most vital part of our industrial system and must be maintained unimpaired. When altered conditions make changes in schedules desirable, their modification can be safely entrusted to the Republican party. If they are to be changed by the enemies of the system along free trade lines, uncertainty would take the place of certainty, and a reaction would surely follow to the injury of the wage earners and all who are now profitably employed. Uncertainty undermines confidence and loss of confidence breeds confusion and distress in commercial affairs.

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S RECORD.

The convention was wise not only in its enunciation of party policies, but in its nomination of a candidate for the Presidency. During the last three years, President Roosevelt has been confronted with large and serious questions. These he has met and solved with high wisdom and courage. The charges made against him in the Democratic platform find an irrefutable answer in his splendid administration, never surpassed in all the history of the Republic, and never equalled by the party which seeks to discredit it.

The election of the President is imperatively demanded by those whose success depends upon the continuance of a safe, conservative and efficient administration of public affairs.

RECORD OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

We have an ample record of deeds done, of beneficent things accomplished in the public interest. The vast business of the government has been well administered. The laws have been enforced fearlessly and impartially. The treasury has been adequately supplied with revenue and the financial credit of the government was never better! Our foreign trade balance continues to increase our national wealth. We have adopted an irrigation policy which will build homes in the arid regions of the west. The Panama canal, the hope of centuries, is in course' of construction, under the sole protection of the American flag.

We have peace and great prosperity at home and are upon terms of good neighborhood with the entire world. These conditions constitute the strongest possible assurance for the future.

Later I shall avail myself of a favorable opportunity to submit to you, and through you, to my fellow citizens, a fuller expression of my views concerning the question now in issue.

Permit me again to thank you and to express the belief that we may confidently submit our cause to the candid and patriotic judgment of our country men.

JUDGE PARKER TO NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE.

Speech Delivered at Esopus, N. Y., August 10th, 1904, Accepting the Democratic Nomination for the Presidency.

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:

I have resigned the office of chief judge of the Court of Appeals of this State in order that I may accept the responsibility that the great convention you represent has put upon me, without possible prejudice to the court to which I had the honor to belong, or to the eminent members of the judiciary of this State, of whom I may now say as a private citizen I am justly proud.

At the very threshold of this response and before dealing with other subjects, I must, in justice to myself and to relieve my sense of gratitude, express my profound appreciation of the confidence reposed in me by the convention. After nominating me and subsequently receiving a communication declaring that I regarded the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established, a matter concerning which I felt it incumbent upon me to make known my attitude so that hereafter no man could justly say that his support had been secured through indirection or mistake, the convention reiterated its determination that I should be the standard bearer of the party in the present contest. This mark of trust and confidence I shall ever esteem as the highest honor that could be conferred upon me -an honor that, whatever may be the fate of the campaign, the future can in no degree lessen or impair.

The admirable platform upon which the party appeals to the country for its confidence and support clearly states the principles which were so well condensed in the first inaugural address of President Jefferson, and points out with force and directness the course to be pursued through their proper application in order to insure needed reforms in both the legislative and administrative departments of the Government. While unhesitating in its promise to correct abuses and to right wrongs wherever they appear or however caused; to investigate the several administrative departments of the Government, the conduct of whose officials has created scandals, and to punish those who have been guilty of a breach of their trust; to oppose the granting of special privileges by which the few may profit at the expense of the many; to practice economy in the expenditure of the moneys of the people, and to that end to return once more to the methods of the founders of the republic by observing in disbursing the public funds the care and caution a prudent individual observes with respect to his own; still the spirit of the platform assures conservative, instead of rash action; the protection of the innocent as well as the punishment of the guilty; the encouragement of industry, economy and thrift; the protection of property and a guarantee of the enforcement for the benefit of all of man's inalienable rights, among which, as said in the Declaration of Independence, are "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Liberty, as understood in this country, means not only the right of freedom from actual servitude, imprisonment or restraint, but the right of one to use his faculties in all lawful ways, to live and work where he will and to pursue any lawful trade or business. These essential rights of life, liberty and property are not only guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitution of each of the several states, but the states are by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidden to deprive any person of any one of them without due process of law.

THE CONSTITUTION.

Occasionally, by reason of unnecessary or impatient agitation for reforms, or because the limitations placed upon the departments of government by the Constitution are disregarded by officials desiring to accomplish that which to them seems good, whether the power exists in them or not, it becomes desirable to call attention to the fact that the people, in whom all power resides, have seen fit, through the medium of the Constitution, to limit the governmental powers conferred and to say to departments created by it: "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther."

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secure the ends sought the people have by the Constitution separated and distributed among the three departments of government-the execu tive, legislative and judicial-certain powers, and it is the duty of those administering each department so to act as to preserve, rather than to destroy, the potency of the co-ordinate branches of the government, and thus secure the exercise of all the powers conferred by the people.

Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to William C. Jarvis, touching the perpetuity of our institutions, written many years after he had retired to private life, said: "If the three powers of our government maintain their mutual independence of each other, it may last long, but not so if either can assume the authority of the other." It must be confessed that in the course of our history executives have employed powers not belonging to them; statutes have been passed that were expressly forbidden by the Constitution and statutes have been set aside as unconstitutional when it was difficult to point out the provisions said to be offended against in their enactment; all this has been done with a good purpose, no doubt, but in disregard, nevertheless, of the fact that ours is a government of laws, not of men, deriving its "just powers from the consent of the governed." If we would have our government continue during the ages to come, for the benefit of those who shall succeed us, we must ever be on our guard against the danger of usurpation of that authority which resides in the whole people, whether the usurpation be by officials representing one of the three great departments of government, or by a body of men acting without a commission from the people. Impatience of the restraints of law, as well as of its delays, is becoming more and more manifest from day to day. Within the past few years many instances have been brought to our attention, where in different parts of our beloved country supposed criminals have been seized and punished by a mob, notwithstanding the fact that the Constitution of each State guarantees to every person within its jurisdiction that his life, his liberty or his property shall not be taken from him without due process of law.

In a struggle between employers and employees, dynamite is said to have been used by the latter, resulting in the loss of life and the destruction of property. The perpetrators of this offense against the laws of God and man, and all others engaged in the conspiracy with them, should, after due trial and conviction, have had meted out to them the most rigorous punishment known to the law. This crime, added perhaps to others, led to the formation of a committee of citizens that, with the support of the military authority, deports from the State, without trial, persons suspected of belonging to the organization of which the perpetrators of the dynamite outrages were supposed to be members. In both cases the reign of law gave way to the reign of force. These illustrations present some evidence of the failure of government to protect the citizen and his property, which not only justified the action of your convention in this regard, but made it its duty to call attention to the fact that Constitutional guarantees are violated whenever any citizen is denied the right to labor, to acquire and to enjoy property, or to reside where his interests or inclination may determine; and the fulfillment of the assurance to rebuke and punish all denials of these rights, whether brought about by individuals or government agencies, should be enforced by every official and supported by every citizen. The essence of good government lies in strict observance of constitutional limitations, enforcement of law and order and rugged opposition to all encroachment upon the sovereignty of the people.

The foregoing suggestions but emphasize the distinction which exists between our own and many other forms of government. It has been well said, in substance, that there are but two powers in government, one the power of the sword, sustained by the hand that wields it, and the other the power of the law, sustained by an enlightened public sentiment. The difference in these powers is the difference between a republic-such as ours, based on law and a written constitution, supported by intelligence, virtue and patriotism-and a monarchy-sustained by force exerted by an individual, uncontrolled by laws other than those made or sanctioned by him; one represents Constitutionalism, the other Imperialism.

THE TARIFF.

The present tariff law is unjust in its operation, excessive in many of its rates and so framed in particular instances as to exact inordinate profits from the people. So well understood has this view become that many prominent members of the Republican party, and at least two of its State conventions, have dared to voice the general sentiment on that subject. That party seems, however, to be collectively able to harmonize only upon a plank that admits that revision may from time to time be necessary, but it is so phrased that it is expected to be satisfactory to those in favor of an increase of duty, to those who favor a reduction thereof, and to those opposed to any change whatever.

Judged by the record of performance, rather than that of promise, on the part of that party in the past, it would seem as if the outcome, in the event of its success, would be to gratify the latter class. With absolute control of both the Legislative and executive departments of the government since March 4th, 1897, there has been neither reduction nor an attempt at reduction in tariff duties. It is not unreasonable to assume, in the light of that record, that a future Congress of that party will not undertake a revision of the tariff downward in the event that it shall receive an endorsement of its past course on that subject by the people. It is a fact and should be frankly conceded though our party be successful in the coming contest we cannot hope to secure a majority in the Senate during the next four years, and hence we shall be unable to secure any modification in the tariff save that to which the Republican majority in the Senate may consent. While, therefore, we are unable to give assurances of relief to the people from such excessive duties as burden them, it is due to them that we should state our position to be in