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edge open to them. If they want the education which comes from the administration of undergraduate activities,-the education of efficiency,-they should and do find in the complex academic life occasion and methods for securing it. If they want the education which follows from associations" steeped in sentiment," and from conditions which "whisper the last enchantment of the Middle Age," the education of intelligent gentlemen of leisure,—then, by all means, they should have the opportunity of getting that. Does such an education, the education of intelligent gentlemen of leisure, prevent the giving to other men or the getting by other men of the education either of thinking, or of culture, or of practical efficiency? Would not the debarring of such men of general intelligence and of leisure from the college be evidence of narrowness in those who would set up such limitations, and would not such a method prove to be a cause of intellectual poverty in the community?

For it may still be suggested that the college means far more than books, lectures, recitations, study. College is, as Professor F. H. Hall, of Harvard, has said, "a place for high aims, high opportunities and high spirits. It is a place for work, but also for freedom, for association, for good-fellowship. Songs do not originate in professional schools. Coming between the long drill of school and the long warfare of professional life, college is peculiarly the place for elasticity of mind, for election, for growth of purpose."* Are not these conditions and forces of tremendous worth? Has a college a right to deny them to men who will make good use of them?

Are not these intimations, furthermore, rendered yet more impressive by the conditions which obtain at old Cambridge, at Oxford, at Berlin and at Bonn? Are not these universities only opportunities? Do they oblige any man to toil? Are they not the embodiments of scholastic liberty? Do they not give, or seek to give, what each wants? Do not the English universities give freedom, even if they do not give science; and do not the German give both freedom and science? If one wills to think, to think is the privilege they offer. If one wills to be stupid, "accumulated libraries leave us leisure to be dull," as Hazlitt says. If these youngsters choose to be "young barbarians all at play," they need not go far for sport. Is Harvard, or any other world-wide Amer*"Harvard Graduates' Magazine," March, 1901, pp. 334, 335.

ican college, to step aside from the great traditions of the Cam, the Isis and the Rhine?

Such, therefore, are some of the considerations which might be urged in behalf of the right of doing a "discreditably small " amount of work which, it is said, obtains in what is commonly acknowledged to be our greatest American university.

But the arguments for the proposition that it may be well for Harvard to step aside from the great traditions of England and of Germany, and to adopt certain other traditions, which also obtain in certain quarters both in Berlin and at Oxford, are yet stronger. For it may be declared with the utmost earnestness that the college is set not to give men of eighteen or of twenty years of age what they want, but what they ought to want. It is set to satisfy right desires, if they do exist; it is also set to create worthy desires, if they do not exist. For many men of twenty are, as Matthew Arnold says, "young barbarians." Young barbarians neither know, nor wish to know, what civilization is. The barbarianism is in them and it has to be eliminated. Is the college not ordained, in such a case, to reach down to the callow man, or to cause that man to reach up unto itself, and in reaching up to find himself becoming less callow and more of a man? Is it not founded to save men from themselves? If men be indolent, is it not to show them the joy of labor, to reveal to them the opportunities of work, and to impress upon them the obligation of hard service? If a man is inclined to be content with an education which consists simply of intellectual conditions and which is not impressed by intellectual forces, is the college not to seek to quicken him by the revelation of the highest ideals of character and of power? Does not the individual himself lose by refusing to regard the college as a place and method for training in thinking? Does he not become less of a man through failing to enter into the richest life of humanity, which life is, primarily, a life of intellect and of spirit? Does not the college increase and broaden the lines of least resistance to immoral indulgences for a man whose intellect she neither instructs nor disciplines? Some men of fifty would say that their college had not dealt fairly with them, if, receiving them at the age of twenty as her students, she had failed to oblige them to read the best books about the best things, and to give hard thinking to hard subjects. Lord Rosebery, speaking at Oxford recently, lamented the wasted opportuni

ties of his own university career, and denounced the temptations to idleness which beset the Oxford man of to-day.

It is to be remembered, moreover, that the college is a trustee for the higher things of American life. John Morley says, in his great "Life of Gladstone," that the "connection between the higher education and the general movement of the national mind engages his profound attention, and, no doubt, deserves such attention in any statesman who looks beyond the mere surface problems of the day." The "connection between the higher education and the general movement of the national mind" is quite as intimate in America as in Britain. In a world ravaged by intellectual and ethical evils the college is a training-school in thinking and willing, for men who are called to aid in the struggle to put an end to these evils. The college is an experiment station where theories may be discussed and applied. If the theories prove satisfactory, a wider application is assured; if the theories prove to be a failure, little harm results. The college is a standardizing power or process in which principles may be examined and rules tested for use in the complex conditions of the world's life. It is set to train men, men of largeness, of clearness of vision, of purity, of strength, of honesty, of appreciation of the beautiful. Such men are not made by a quiet dwelling in the home of "lost causes," of "forsaken beliefs" and of "impossible loyalties." Out of great struggles great men are born. Tolerance, courage, patience, power of observation, judgment, honor, noble purpose, are among the qualities which are both cause and result of hard and constant labor. Such are the elements which constitute a great nation. The college is a trustee for the nation, and should train its men to work and to work hard.

Thus, therefore, not a little may be urged in favor of permitting college men to work three or four hours a day. But more, very much more, may be said for their working at least six or eight hours a day. Going to college and working little is good; going to college and working much is better, very good. One needs simply to consult and follow the laws of value. First things are to be made first, and secondary things are to be made second. The college student should, indeed, be other than a student. But he should, at least, be a student, and a hard one, too. CHARLES F. THWING.

RAILWAY RATES.

BY W. MORTON GRINNELL

AMONG the statistics published by the Bureau of Labor, the following table shows the increase in the price of the chief commodities and in railway rates from 1899 to 1902: 100 representing the average price of commodities from 1890 to 1899:

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The comparision is still more striking when the year 1898 is taken, and the list of commodities confined to those entering chiefly into railway construction, maintenance and operation:

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The tables are interesting as showing that, while the prices of all commodities have advanced, on an average, 13 points, and fuel, metals and lumber 25 to 35 points, railway rates have only advanced fractionally. There is, however, the further and most important factor in the case, that of labor. Statistics show that the average wages of railway employees have increased quite fifteen per cent. since 1898.

As concrete examples of the position of the railroads, with respect to the increased cost of labor chiefly, we have the last annual report of the Pennsylvania Railroad. This road is the oldest, the most conservative (in spite of its recent departure from its traditional policy), and the most liberal towards the public and its employees.

The organization of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, as it is popularly known, is very complex, consisting, first, of the roads operated north and east of Pittsburg, i. e., the Pennsylvania Railroad Division, the United Railroads of New Jersey Division, the Philadelphia and Erie Railroad Division and the Buffalo and Allegheny Valley Division; second, those operated indirectly; and the lines west of Pittsburg, which are operated by the Pennsylvania Company. As showing the proportionate increase in the cost of labor on the lines east of Pittsburg operated directly by the company, I give a few statistics:

Pennsylvania Railroad Division Increase for 1903 over 1902 in

wages paid:

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[United Railroads of New Jersey Increase for 1903 over 1902 in

wages paid:

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