-and that on a scale far more vast-is at the present day passing into freedom. What is effecting that beneficent change there? The same influence which alone can effect it, and which may yet effect it in the Southern States-the power of public opinion. And why has it had no influence upon them up to the present time? Because

it could not reach them. An able Northern writer, arguing against secession, after describing all that the Union had done for the South, remarks: "And it has shielded their peculiar institution from the hatred and hostility of the civilized world." This is the truth-the Union has been the shield of slavery. It has been shel

tered under the wing of the American Eagle. Dissolve the Union, and it must stand unshielded, uncloaked, in the light of open day. When thus placed face to face with public opinion who will doubt which must ultimately prevail?

What institution exists that can permanently confront it? Invisible, intangible, that none can guage, or measure, or picture, or define-who is there that is impenetrable to its influence, or able to withstand its power? The Emperor of France, at the head of all his legions, shrinks from this encounter. What overthrew slavery in our own dominions, or in the colonies of other powers? It was not governments, nor politicians, nor planters, nor philosophy, but simply this irresistible power. But by public opinion we do not mean wild excitement or rash theories. These are the froth of

breaking waves, not the majestic ocean. We mean that which expresses the united sentiment of the thoughtful and intelligent-that which embodies, not the passions, but the mind, of the enlightened world. Patient-considerate-prepared to weigh difficulties to provide for consequences to appreciate rights; but at the same time-firmirresistible-it will say with unimpassioned, but authoritative voice-The time has come when this old sad blot upon humanity must stain it no

more.

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF DISRUPTION.--TARIFFS.

THE rebellion of the American colonies against the rule of this country, whatever its real motives, occurred, ostensibly, on a question of duties. Thirty years ago, the disruption of the Union, unless it had been maintained by force, would have resulted from a tariff, but for concessions made at the last moment, which averted the event. With these facts in recollection, we shall be disposed to attach very serious importance to this subject. Of all the causes of the convulsion, it has probably had the greatest weight upon the mind of the Southern people, although the other causes we have considered have had much more influence in exciting their feelings.

The following clauses of the Constitution bear upon this subject. Section 8, Art. 1, provides that "all duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." Section 9, Art. 5, ordains that "No tax, or duty, shall be laid upon articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State, over those of

another." Here it is plainly the object to forbid any course of legislation by means of which a preferential advantage might be given to any section of the country. The obvious spirit of these clauses, is not so much that duties should be uniform in rate, but uniform in effect-that their incidence should bear evenly upon all. It would be idle to dispute that it was intended to prohibit preference to interests, as well as preference to ports. The denial of power to levy an export duty clearly proves this.

At the period when the Constitution was framed, the whole of the States were agricultural, and imported manufactures. Duties levied on imports affected, therefore, all alike. But their position was very different in the direction of export trade. As a natural result of such great diversity of climate and soil, their products, instead of being common to all, were special, and peculiar to certain districts. An export duty upon any article, would have affected the section of the country which produced that commodity, to the exemption of the rest. Thus, if levied upon rice, it would have been a special tax on South Carolina; or if upon tobacco, Virginia would have borne the burthen. Nothing can be clearer than the principle of the Constitution on this point, that all duties shall be so imposed as to affect the respective States equally; that "preference" of any kind should be avoided; and that where the imposition of a duty, as upon exports, would of

necessity be unequal in its effect, the power to impose it under any circumstances should be absolutely, and for ever, denied. We shall see the respect with which these principles of the Constitution have been treated, and the justice with which they have been carried out.

For many years agriculture continued to be the common interest of all the States, and the earlier tariffs are moderate in the extreme. The prevailing rule was a duty on manufactured goods of 5 to 7 per cent.; the first duty, for instance, on iron, being 5 per cent., a trifle that would hardly be visible to the eye of the Pennsylvanian monopolist of the present day. But the war with this country in 1813 greatly altered the industrial position of the respective States. During its continuance it was impossible to obtain supplies of manufactured goods, for we not only ceased to supply them, but the blockade of the ports which we instituted prevented their access from other countries. This led to a large extension of home manufactures, previously confined, in the main, to the coarser and less valuable class of articles. But this new direction, taken by the industry of the country, was not common to the whole of the States. The Northern States not only took the lead in it, but it became, in their hands, a virtual monopoly. Their climate, coal, free labour, waterpower, and, beyond even these, the energy and inventive genius of the race, formed a combination of the elements of manufacturing power, with