that the relief should be evenly distributed so as to affect all alike. The views entertained there were expressed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in the following words: "I call upon gentlemen on the other side of the House to meet us in the true spirit of conciliation and concession. Remove, I earnestly beseech you, from among us, this never-failing source of contention. Dry up, at its source, this fountain of the waters of bitterness. Restore that harmony which has been disturbed, that mutual affection and confidence which have been impaired. And it is in your power to do it this day, by doing equal justice to all. And be assured that he to whom the country shall be indebted for this blessing, will be considered as the second founder of the republic. He will be regarded in all aftertimes as the ministering spirit, visiting the troubled waters of our political dissensions, and restoring to the element its healing virtue." But what effect could such appeals have on a majority impelled by mercenary interests? The act passed, in all its injustice, to be followed by consequences little foreseen.

Throughout the whole of the South this tariff was regarded with indignation; and this, in the State of South Carolina, found a vent in very determined measures. A convention was called by her people, which proceeded to pass an ordinance, declaring the tariff null and void, on the ground that Congress "had exceeded its just powers under the Constitution, which confers on

it no authority to afford such protection; and had violated the true meaning and intent of the Constitution, which provides for equality in imposing the burthens of taxation upon the several States.' It happened that at this critical period, the presidential chair was occupied by a man of great natural vigour and resolution- Jackson, who throughout the danger displayed sound judgment. The tariff had been passed in opposition to his views, being himself a Southerner. Whilst he at once condemned, in able terms, the conduct of the State, he at the same time introduced into Congress a bill to remove the grievance. This bill slumbered in the house for some time; but at length news arrived that South Carolina was arming her militia, and preparing for defence. On this a measure was introduced by Mr. Clay, and pushed through with unprecedented rapidity, by an evasion of the rules. It effected a large though gradual reduction of the duties upon manufactures; and by this concession the danger was averted. South Carolina was satisfied with it, and the crisis passed away.

That the State was right, so far as justice is concerned, few will now deny. It is admitted by the ablest Northern writers of the present day. Indeed, the injustice of the duties imposed was subsequently proved in a remarkable manner; for, even at the reduced rates, they still produced an excess of income, and led to a surfeit of the treasury, which became a perplexing difficulty.

But although right in her arguments, the line of action adopted was quite indefensible. To declare a law of the government void, and yet remain under that government and accept its benefits, is plainly opposed to reason. Assuming the law to be unconstitutional, there was the redress of the Supreme Court. Secession stands upon very different grounds. It is the act of a State in its sovereign capacity, of a nature beyond the competence of that tribunal. It may be grounded in geographical reasons, or other motives, which laws cannot cure. There is also much in the Constitution that forbids the violation of laws, but there is nothing in it, as we shall find, that forbids a State to retire from its connection with those laws altogether.

The terms of this last tariff of 1833 were understood on all sides to be a final settlement of the question. Under its provisions the high duties on manufactures slowly but surely decreased. At length the period arrived when the full benefit of these reductions should be enjoyed by the South. In the interval, however, a concession had been made, which greatly reduced the income arising from the sale of public lands, the only source of federal revenue apart from customs duties. The expenditure of the government had also largely increased; and thus in 1842, the impoverished condition of the treasury afforded a pretext to repudiate the settlement, and again to advance the duties on manufactures.

From that day to this, the fiscal system of the United States has been continuously protective, to the profit of Northern manufacturers, at the cost of the Southern agriculturalist. The subject has been frequently overwhelmed, by the more exciting party topic of slavery, but it has never been absent from the Southern mind.14 To estimate its real weight, it is necessary to consider, that it was no question of wise or unwise legislation--no mere matter of opinion. The Southern States entered into the Union, as sovereign, independent powers, under a compact the clear spirit of which is, as we have seen, to forbid preference in fiscal regulations, to any one, over the rest. That compact expressly declares it to be one of its objects, to insure justice. In the face of this they find themselves enthralled, in industrial subjection, to others of the original parties to the compact.

It is true, it has always been attempted to disguise the real fact, under the allegation that the duties were imposed for purposes of revenue. This could deceive no one. A revenue tariff will place duties on tea, coffee, and other articles, not absolutely necessaries of life, but of large consumption-such as will yield an important sum, at a rate hardly perceptible to the consumer. A protective tariff will select, for the imposition of duties, those articles it may be desired to foster at home. The true object of all the American tariffs, since 1816, is so apparent to any observer, ever so moderately

14 See Notes in Appendix.

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conversant with these subjects, that it excites surprise, that the attempt should ever have been made to dispute it.

It must be observed that the advantages of protection are not altogether confined to Northern interests. The duty on sugar has been maintained at a point higher, undoubtedly, than would have been fixed, but for the interests of Louisiana in that article. The truth is, as Benton clearly shows, that, it being impossible to overthrow the system, any interest in the South, that could be benefited by it, naturally came under its wing. This fact has no effect upon the argument. That certain districts of the South have been willing to profit by it, does not alter the fact, that to the great majority of the Southern people-including the entire cotton trade-it has been wholly injurious; nor can it be doubted, that the Southern interests which are benefited, would have yielded at once to the views of the great majority, had it been possible to terminate a system, so prejudicial to the South as a whole.

This system of protecting Northern manufactures, has an injurious influence, beyond the effect immediately apparent. It is doubly injurious to the Southern States, in raising what they have to buy, and lowering what they have to sell. They are the exporters of the Union, and require that other countries shall take their productions. But other countries will have difficulty in taking them, unless permitted to pay for them in the com