as a result of their community of interest and, still more, on their economic needs. Such a policy seeks in no way to impose union by force.

"Whatever may be the future relations between the different parts of Russia, now separated, the political organization of those territories and the constitution of the federal union must be derived from the will of the people, freely expressed through the agency of representative and democratically elected assemblies.

"To give satisfaction to the interests of the peasant population, to restore health to the moral life of the nation, to reconstruct its economic organization and to unite all the elements of order and progress-these are the aims which the commander in chief has constantly before him. In his opinion, their achievement is the sole means of helping Russia to emerge from the state of anarchy into which she has been plunged by the communistic regime, which has made her the theatre of monstrous social experiments, such as the history of the world has never known."

PROVE EXECUTION OF EX-CZAR AND FAMILY
(By The Associated Press)

London England, Aug. 28.-All possible doubts that former Emperor Nicholas of Russia and his family were killed in the basement of their prison house at Ekaterinburg on the night of July 16, 1918, seems to be dispelled by the accounts of two independent investigations which are published here.

One is printed by the London Times and was written by its former Petrograd correspondent, Robert Wilton. The other appear in the magazine Nineteenth Century and After and is from the pen of Capt. Francis McCullagh of the British army, who before the war was a widely known newspaper correspondent.

Both writers spent several weeks at Ekaterinburg and talked with natives and soldiers who witnessed the affair through the windows of the house. They agree on the important details of the story.

The victims they say, numbered eleven, being the former emperor, his wife, son and four daughters, Dr. Botkin and three household attendants. The execution was arranged by Yurovski, the jailer in charge of the deposed royal family, and was carried out by twelve soldiers.

The Times account states these men were Letts, but Captain McCullagh declares they were Magyars, who had been placed on duty instead of a Russian guard because the bolsheviki feared a Russian could not be trusted for the work.

Captain McCullagh's story says all the doomed party, except Nicholas, were on their knees, crossing themselves, as Yurovski

shouted the order for the execution of "Nicholas Romanov, the bloody, and all his family." The former emperor then stepped quickly in front of his wife and children, saying something which could not be heard, and was shot by Yurovski. The remainder of the party was shot down with revolvers, and later the soldiers bayonetted the bodies, Captain McCullagh asserts.

These accounts confirm previous reports, but it is known that the former emperor's mother, who is in Copenhagen, and Dowager Queen Alexandra of Great Britain, her sister, have refused to give up hope of the royal family's escape until quite recently, when private reports furnished them by Captain McCullagh and Mr. Wilton, at the request of relatives, convinced them the killing of the Russian royal family was carried out.

Yurovski, who had been president of the extraordinary commission at Ekaterinburg, is declared to have boasted to Captain McCullagh last March that he had condemned sixty persons suspected of anti-bolshevist sentiments, and is quoted as saying:

"What are sixty men?"

After the killing of Nicholas and his family, Yurovski, it is asserted, hastened to Moscow to report the details to Nikolai Lenin, the bolshevist premier. According to Captain McCullagh, he was promoted to be commissioner of life insurance in the province of Ekaterinburg and occupies the handsomest house in the town, which was confiscated from a merchant. Even the bolsheviki of the city, however, it is declared, shun him.

On the square overlooked by Emperor Nicholas' last prison the bolshevist local government has, it is said, placed a large sign, bearing the words:

"Square of national vengeance."

FORD MOTOR COMPANY GOES BACK TO PRE-WAR PRICES
"For Best Interests of All," Is Assertion

Detroit, Mich., Sept. 21.-(Special.)-The Ford Motor Company today announced a reduction in the price of its cars "to the pre-war level."

In making the announcement, stating that some one has to start the movement from high prices downward, Henry Ford says:

"The war is over and it is time war prices were over. There is no sense or wisdom in trying to maintain an artificial standard of values. For the best interests of all it is time that a real practical move was made to bring the business of the country and the life of the country down to normal.

"Inflated prices always retard progress. We had to stand it during the war, although it wasn't right, so the Ford Motor Company will make the prices of its products the same as they were before the war.

MEANS TEMPORARY LOSS

"This in face of the fact that we have unfilled orders for immediate delivery of 146,065 cars and tractors.

"We must, of course, take a temporary loss because of the stock of materials on hand, bought at inflated prices, and until we use that stock up we will have to submit to a loss, but we take it willingly in order to bring about a going state of business throughout the country.

CALL HALT ON WAR GREED

"Now is the time to call a halt on war methods, war prices, war profiteering and war greed. It may be necessary for everybody to stand a little sacrifice, but it will be most profitable after all, because the sooner we get the business of the country back to a pre-war condition the sooner the lives of our people become more natural-progress, prosperity and contentment will occupy the attention of our people.

"There will be no change in wages."

BY HENRY FORD

Founder of the Ford Motor Company, and "the Wizard of Modern Methods" in Business, Transportation and Economic Conditions

Henry Ford is not only a genius in invention and management, but also in the solution of social, economic, commercial, transportation and other problems. Among his side lines is the publica

tion of an international weekly-the "Dearborn Independent"-for which he has an able staff, but there is one page which Mr. Ford edits himself, and of which the following from the issue of July 17th is a sample:

"Sooner or later we pay for the follies of our past. A great deal of the cry about our transportation difficulties is due to our past sins in this respect. This is not always understood; people are led to believe that something suddenly has gone wrong. Nothing of the kind has happened. The mistaken and foolish things we did years ago are just overtaking us and collecting their due. At the beginning of railway transportation in the United States the people had been taught its use, just as they had to be taught the use of the telephone. Also, the new railroads had to make business in order to keep themselves solvent. And because railway financing began in one of the rottenest periods of our business history, a number of practices were established as precedents which have influenced railway work more or less ever since.

"One of the first things to be done was to throttle all other methods of transportation. There was the beginning of a splendid canal system in this country, and a great movement for canalization was in the height of its enthusiastic strength when the railroad companies bought out the canal companies and let the canals fill up and choke with weeds and refuse. All over the Eastern and in parts of the Middle Western States are the remains of this network of internal waterways. They are being restored now as rapidly as possible; they are being linked together; various commissions, public and private, have seen the vision of a complete system of waterways serving all parts of the country and, thanks to their efforts and persistence and faith, progress is being made.

"That was one folly which the advent of railway transportation forced upon the country.

"One of the great changes in our economic life to which this railroad policy contributed was the centralization of certain activities, not because centralization was necessary, nor because it contributed more to the well-being of the people, but because, among other things, it made double business for the railroads.

"Take those two staples, meat and grain, for example. If you look at the maps which the packing houses put out, and see where the cattle are drawn from; and then if you consider that the cattle, when converted into food, are hauled again by the same railways right back to the place where they came from, you will get some sidelight on the transportation problem and the price of meat.

"Take also the matter of grain. Every reader of advertise

ments knows where the great flour mills of the country are located. And they probably know also that where the great mills are located is not representative at all of the sections where all the grain of the United States is raised. There are staggering quantities of grain, thousands of trainloads, hauled uselessly long distances, and then in the form of flour hauled back again long distances to the States and sections where the grain was raised-a burdening of the railroads which is of no benefit to the communities where the grain originated, nor to any one else except the monopolistic mills and the railroads. The railroads can always do a big business without helping the business of the country at all; they can always be engaged in just such useless things. On meat and grain and perhaps on cotton, too, the transportation burden could be cut in half, yes, reduced by more than half, by the preparation of the product for use before it is shipped at all. If a coal community mined coal in Pennsylvania, and then sent it by railway to Michigan or Wisconsin to be screened, and then hauled back again to Pennsylvania for use, it would not be much sillier than the hauling of Texas beef alive to Chicago, there to be killed, and then shipped back dead to Texas; or the hauling of Kansas grain to Minnesota, there to be ground in the mills and hauled back again as flour.

"Wherever it is possible a policy of decentralization ought to be adopted. We need instead of mammoth flour mills at one corner of the country, a multitude of smaller mills distributed through all the sections where grain is grown. Wherever it is possible, the section that produces the raw material ought to produce also the finished product. Grain should be ground to flour where it is grown. A hog-growing country should not export hogs, but pork, hams and bacon. The cotton mills ought to be near the cotton fields.

"This idea is not advanced solely for its relation to the transportation problem-although it would bring inestimable relief there -but also for its effect on our life generally. Our communities ought to be more complete in themselves. They ought not to be unnecessarily dependent on railway transportation. Out of what they produce they should supply their own needs and ship the