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2. It is to the highest degree probable that a very considerable mass of details, far more, in fact, than has generally been supposed, was furnished directly or indirectly through the medium of traders or personal friends whose presence in German territory or on the frontier had given them exceptional opportunities for observation and the acquisition of trustworthy information.

3 a. Of the literary sources, still extant, only Caesar was demonstrably familiar to Tacitus, but direct indebtedness to the de bello Gallico, if it existed at all, was at best confined within extremely narrow limits, and it must be rejected without hesitation in the case of Velleius Paterculus, Pomponius. Mela, Pliny's Naturalis Historia, Strabo, and Diodorus.

b. Of writers dealing with things Germanic, either in separate chapters and monographs or incidentally, but no longer preserved, Pliny's exhaustive Bella Germaniae may with some confidence be classed among the authorities extensively utilized by Tacitus. There are also many significant indications, though the assumption is not susceptible of absolute proof, that Posidonius contributed his share, both in matters of concrete information and in suggestive reflections, to make the Germania what it is. The alleged influence of Sallust is unwarranted, so long as the very existence of any discussion on Germanic life and customs must be seriously called in question. But, on the other hand, Livy's treatment of the subject is firmly established and his account was undoubtedly known to Tacitus, but inasmuch as Livy's information was derived wholly from one or two sources, such as Posidonius and Caesar, which were equally accessible to the author of the Germania, any direct obligations to this historian cannot justly be claimed, particularly as the Ger mania exhibits no significant parallelisms with Livy's style.

c. Finally, it is fairly probable that Tacitus had consulted Varro, Aufidius Bassus, and above all, some geographical map, presumably that of his contemporary, Marinus of Tyre.

IX. Studies in Greek Agonistic Inscriptions.

BY PROF. EDWARD CAPPS,

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO,

IN connection with a study, undertaken some time ago, of the later history of the dramatic contests in Athens, I found it necessary to extend the range of my observations and collections to cover the records of the dramatic and musical exhibitions of the Greek world at large, and to direct my attention somewhat particularly to the individual performers who participated in them. These records are preserved largely in inscriptions, the texts of which are often difficult to decipher and mutilated. Some attention had to be paid to their restoration, often where only the name of an individual performer was involved. In this way I have come into the possession of some material of a more or less miscellaneous character, a part of which I shall attempt to put together in this paper in as compact a form as the varied nature of the several items will permit. Many of the facts or suggestions which will be presented may seem to be, in themselves, too trivial to record; but, after all, no apology is needed for the intrinsic unimportance of any contribution, however slight, to the history of the post-classical drama in Greece, or of the other public exhibitions which played so large a part in the intellectual, religious, and social life of the people.

Of the numerous agonistic inscriptions found in various. parts of Greece, none will compare in importance, after those of Athens itself, either for intrinsic interest or for the light which they throw upon the conditions of dramatic and musi cal exhibitions in the third century B.C., with the series of ten catalogues of performers at the Apollonia and Dionysia at Delos, and the similar but much more extensive catalogues pertaining to the Soteria at Delphi. The larger questions arising out of these inscriptions have been very fully treated

by various scholars, and will therefore receive only incidental attention here. But a number of minor matters, relating both to the constitution of the text and to the identity and functions of individual performers, have not received sufficient consideration, especially in the case of the Delian inscriptions. Fortunately the dates of all the members of each series have been at last definitively settled, so that, with due caution, the names of the performers in them may be used to assist in establishing the period of activity of Texvirai mentioned in literature and in undated inscriptions of a similar nature. We shall consider first the Delian catalogues.

The Choregic Inscriptions of Delos.

The French excavations at Delos brought to light in 1881 a number of inscriptions which are perhaps best classed as choregic. The first division in each contains the names of the choregi for the year, first for the chorus of girls at the Apollonia, then for the χοροὶ παίδων, τραγῳδοί, and κωμῳδοί at the Dionysia. Then follow, as a rule, the names of the performers (not the victors alone) in the lyric, dramatic, musical, and other exhibitions, all embraced under the general heading: οἵδε ἐπεδείξαντο (once ἠγωνίσαντο) τῷ θεῷ. A list of articles, belonging to the treasure of the god, which the archon of the year handed over to his successor, is sometimes added at the end, sometimes inserted before the catalogue of performers. The name of the archon in whose year the exhibition was given precedes the list of choregi, thus furnishing the date of each record by the assistance of the chronological table of Delian archons established mainly by Homolle. The first nine inscriptions were first published by HauvetteBesnault in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, VII. (1883), p. 103 ff., the tenth by Paris, ibid. IX. (1885), p. 146 ff. The whole series has been republished and ably discussed by Brinck, "Inscriptiones Graecae ad choregiam pertinentes," Diss. Halen. VI. (1886), pp. 187 ff. In the original publica

1 Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, Nos. 902–904, reproduces the complete records for the years 286, 284, and 270. I do not know on what grounds he gives the dates two years later in each case. That for the year 284 is found in

tions facsimiles were unfortunately not given, and the copies in majuscules which Hauvette-Besnault furnishes have been shown to contain a number of inaccuracies,1 many of them doubtless due to the engravers. Paris gives only a transcription in small letters of the catalogue for the year 172 B.C., remarking that the letters A, E, and O, as often in Delian inscriptions, are engraved as A, C, and O-a fact that accounts for a number of the errors to which attention will be called.

The text of the portions of these inscriptions which contain the lists of the participants in the Delian exhibitions— with which alone we are at present concerned - follows. I give the readings of the first editors throughout, except where certain corrections have been made by others.

Ι. 286 B.C., τραγωιδοί· Θεόδωρος Μεγαρεύς, | Φιλοκλείδης Χαλκιδεύς. | κωμωιδοί· Τελέστης Αθηναίος, | Σαννίων δίς, Δεξίλαος, | Διόδωρος Αθηναῖος, Διόδωρος Σινωπεύς. | αὐληταί· Καφίσιας Θηβαῖος. | κιθαρωιδοί· Μέμνων ̓Αθηναῖος, | Ξενοκράτης ̓Αμβρακιώτης, Φιλόδαμος. | [4]άλτης Διομήδης Μηθυμναῖος. | κιθαριστής · Ἐπικράτης Αργεῖος, Ἑλληνοκράτης. | ῥαψωιδοί· ̓Αρχέλας Θετταλός, | Γλαῦκος Αθηναῖος.

II. 284 Β.C., αὐλητής · | Ξενόφαντος €η[β]αῖος. | κωμωιδοί· Φαῖδρος Αθηναῖος, Κηφίσιος Ιστιαιεύς. | κιθαριστής· Ήρις Καλχηδόνιος. τραγωιδοί· | Θεύδωρος Μεγαρεύς, Θεμίστων ο Πάριος, | Νικόστρατος Κασσανδρεύς.

III. 282 B.C., αὐληταί· | Τιμόστρατος Κυζικηνός, Διο . . . . . | κωμωιδοί· Τέλεσις Πάριος, | Ἱερώνυμος, Πολυκλῆς, Μενεκλῆς, | Σι μίας Αθηναῖος, Διόδωρος Σινωπεύς. | τραγωιδοί· Θεμίστων . σα . .. Διονύσιος, Αρίσταρχος, Ηγήσιππος. | κιθαριστής· Λύσανδρος, Δ. . . . . Αὐτόνομος ΣΟ . . Α' - - - | Φιλήμων, Νικόστρατος, ̓Αμεινίας.

IV. 280 B.C., τραγωιδοί· | Νικόλαος Ηπειρώτης, Δράκων 3 Ταραντίνος, ̓Ακέσιος Ρόδιος, Κλεόδωρος. | κωμωιδοί. Τελέσων Μεγαρεύς, Σιμίας the second edition of Dittenberger's Sylloge, No. 692. I have not had access to Von Schoeffer, De Deli insulae rebus.

1 Besides those which will be noted in the lists of performers I may mention, in justification of textual corrections which I shall propose: ΑΝΤΙΓΕΝΗΡΔΙΣΚΟΣ for ΑΝΤΙΓΕΝΗΣ ΗΡ(Α)ΙΣΚΟΣ, Ditt., p. 519, n. 5; Π]ΑΙΔΩΝ for ΚΩΜ](Ω)ΙΔΩΝ and ΞΕΝΩΝ for (ΠΑΙΔΩΝ, Brinck, pp. 200 and 203.

2 So Wilhelm in Michel, Recueil, Add. et Corr. p. 949, for Hauvette-Besnault's reading Θε . . . τωνος Πάριος.

3 So Homolle, B.C.H. XIV. (1890), p. 502, n. 2, for H.-B.'s 'Ασαράκων. The correct form of the name appears in the accounts of the ἱεροποιοί.

Αθηναῖος, | Κηφίσιος Εστιαεύς, Αριστοφάνης Σολεύς. | αὐλητής Τιμόστρατος Κυζικηνός. | κιθαρωιδός· Κλέων Σικυώνιος, ̓Αθήναιος, | Εὐ άνθης Μηθυμναῖος.

V. 27ο Β.C., κιθαρωιδοί· | Αἰνησίδημος, Μνησίθεος. αὐληταί· | Θεύδωρος, Νεοπτόλεμος. τραγω[ιδοι] · | Θεόδωρος, Διονυσόδωρος, Εὐκλῆς, Οἰκιάδης. κωμωιδοί· Ἐργόφιλος Ιέρωνος, | Χόρηγ[ος], ' Κ [ά]λλιπ (π)ος, Κλεόξενο[ς] . | θαυματοποιός Κλευπάτρα.

.2

VI. 265 B.C., αὐλητής· ̓Αντιγενείδας. | κιθαρωιδοί· Μεγιστοκλῆς, ̓Ανδρέας Τεγεάτης. | κιθαριστής· ̓Αντιφάνης. | κωμωιδοί· Ἐργόφιλος, Φανύλος, Παρίων, Ερέτιμος, | Φιλωνίδης, αρχος Αρκάς. | κωμωιδοποιός· Νικόμαχος Αθηναῖος. | τραγωιδός· Θεόδωρος. | θαυματοποιός Κλεοπάτρα.

.....

VII. 261 B.C., [κ]ωμωιδοί· Πο|[λύ]κριτος Κασσ[ανδρεύς], Μενεκράτης | .

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It is to be noted, first of all, that there seems to be no consistency in the use of the father's name and the ethnicon

1 So Brinck, p. 197, for χορηγ . . , which H.-B. took for a caption.

2 H.-B. read ὀλυματοποιός. Dragoumis, B.C.f. vii. (1885), p. 384 f., made the correction.

8 Brinck, p. 204, suggests [κω] μωι (δο)ί - rightly, as we shall see.

4 Ιd. [κιθαρ]ιστής ̓Αντίπατ [ρος].

5 Wilhelm, Jahresheft d. oesterreich. arch. Inst. III. (1900), p. 49, for Paris' reading Θράκων. Below Paris reported Νεύρος, Παρ

(a proper name); Wilhelm corrected as above.

σίων, Ρωμαιστής

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