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ly, find these arguments not only plausible but convincing. They cannot bring themselves to believe that their thoughts and affections are nothing more than agitations of the brain, or vibrations of the nerves. They deny that any juxta position, or combination of impercipient particles, can form a percipient being; that consciousness, reasoning, memory, all the phenomena of intellect, are composed of the dust of the ground. Thinking they have arguments for the existence of mind, as a distinct substance, they cannot admit that, because the mind and body are mutually dependent, they are one and the same; or, because some kind of organized body is necessary to the mind as an instrument, therefore the mind must be a system of matter. They would as soon assert, that the electrician and his apparatus, the musician and his instrument, the smith and his forge, are one and the same. It appears to them, that the property or the phenomenon of thought and sensation, is inconsistent with the disceptibility of matter; that figure, magnitude, and motion, however varied, can produce only figure, magnitude, and motion; or that, if matter be, as Dr. Priest ley maintains, a more subtle thing, and almost not matter, consisting of centres of attraction and repulsión, yet these centres, multiplied and combined ever so often, can produce only more enlarged spheres of attraction and repulsion. Constant concomitancy, which is the alleged proof of materialism, in their view does not imply necessary connection, except when reasons cannot be discovered to show the connection arbitrary. They believe therefore, that a sentient principle, or a substance or being, the subject of thought, is superin

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duced to the organized body, in which the phenomena of thought are exhibited. As the belief in a soul may be promoted by prejudice, so may the belief of the contrary.

Dr. P.'s position, that the leading and solitary end of Christianity was to establish the doctrine of a future state, would incline him to depreciate the arguments for the natural immortality of man.

Mr. Cooper considers the doctrine of philosophical necessity, or the invariable connection between motive and volition, by the labours of Dr. Priestley and his predecessors, as so far settled, as to be no longer a subject of discussion; applying, in this relation, the maxim of law, Interes respublica ut denique sit finis litium." That ›. the human mind is subject to laws, and especially to the law of association, cannot be denied. Thất the Supreme Being is the great. substratum of the moral, as well as the physical world; that he foreknows all the operations of all causes; and that there is a determination of his will concerning every event, every motion of matter, and every exercise of mind, must be admitted. Still, so far as there is a right and a wrong, merit and demerit, in human actions, so far human beings must be the causes of those actions. As the doctrine of necessity is often stated, many of the arguments in its support are of difficult comprehension, and the doctrine infallibly liable to abuse. It makes but one agent in the universe. The springs of action are weakened, and conscience lulled into security and ease. If a man is convinced that he can do nothing, he will infer, that he has nothing to do. If a man think he has no power over the determinations of his will, how can he feel accountable for the

state of his will? This doctrine has been applied to various purposes by Spinosa to the support of Atheism, and by Edwards and his followers to the support of Calvanism. Lord Kaimes could find in this theory a defence of Deism, and Dr. Priestley a strong-hold of Universalism. In general, how. ever, ethical teachers have not introduced it into their lectures on human duties; and few or no christian preachers have ever ap peared to think it could be made intelligible or useful to the mass of their hearers, except a numerous sect in this country, and chiefly in New England, who, as Plato placed over the door of his school "Let no one who is unacquainted with geometry enter here," may inscribe on their pulpits "Let no one who wants skill in metaphysicks presume to expect admission into the school of Christ."

Appendix No. 3, contains the account of the political works and opinions of Dr. Priestley.

The complexion of the editor's mind respecting these subjects, may be conceived, from his observation, that while society exists, the Rights of Man, and Common Sense, of Thomas Paine, will be classick books on the theory of government; from his commendation of the writings of Barlow, on the same topicks, and especially from the following impudent and wicked' proscription of Mr. Adams's administration Of that administration,' says he, 'weak, wicked, and vindictive, what real republican can speak well? The history of the federal administration of our country does indeed bring a reproach upon the republican system, and countenance the doubt, whether such a system can stand the test of experiment' in this country. This administration was Vol. IV. No. 7.

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commenced under the most favourable auspices, when the spirit of party was comparatively asleep; and it was committed to the conduct of the greatest and best men, and the most tried patriots of the country-first with Washington, and then with Adams at its head. Probably it never fell to any other government to contribute so much to the general prosperity, and to produce such a favourable change in the condition and prospects of a people. The United States were raised from a state of the utmost depression, weakness, disunion, and insecurity, and in a few years placed in the possession or expectation of all that a good man ought to wish for his country. After the experiment of twelve years, “a majority of the American people" were made to believe, or professed to believe, that they had been illgoverned; and men who had opposed every leading measure of the federal government, and who promised to abolish and new-model every thing in the political machine, were brought into power. If the administration of Washington and Adams, and their coadjutors, was as corrupt or weak as the democrats, who succeeded them, averred, what security have the people for obtaining wise and upright rulers? These were persons who had rendered the greatest services to their country in the most difficult times; who, if there be any men of principle, of integrity, of patriotism, in America, were in that class of characters, and who were chosen when elections were much purer than they can ever be again. On the other hand, if the administration, during the period mentioned, was as wise, as virtųous, and as successful, as there is every reason to believe it was, where is the good sense, where

the virtue of the people, to put themselves under the guidance of their flatterers, and to withdraw all confidence from their friends; to put down patriots, for the sake of raising demagogues. That the reader may be able to make allow ance for the prejudices and passions of the editor, it is proper they should recollect that this Thomas Cooper, who has come from Manchester, in his great condescension, to inform us that Mr. Adams,

'a patriot from his youth, Whose deeds are honour, and whose words are truth,'

who was among the first to propose, and assert at every hazard, our national independence; and who has had a principal concern in all our republican institutions, is not à republican. It is proper they should recollect, that this Mr. Cooper was in April, 1800, after an impartial trial, convicted of publishing a false, scandalous, and malicious writing against the President of the United States, with an intent to make him the object of publick hatred and contempt; for which libel the said Cooper was sentenced to pay a fine of four hundred dollars, to be imprisoned for six months, and at the end of that period to find surety for his good behaviour. It is in human nature to hate those, whom we have injured and insulted. It is common for criminals to dislike the law, and those by whom it is executed.

which the philosophical reformers in France, and the anarchists in this country, were aiming to diffuse. It is a specimen of that kind of reading and reasoning, which produced the American constitutions. Dr. Priestley himself, in his address to the inhabitants of Birmingham, professes to adopt Mr. Adams' leading ideas upon the best form of government. It was not decent nor fair for Mr. C. to indulge his spleen so far, as to withhold from the readers of Dr. P.'s life, the information, that such an important actor in the affairs of this country, and one so much concerned in the production of our constitution, as Mr. Adams, had given his sentiments upon civil polity to the world. Malthus on Population,' stands in the way of that perfectibility, which floats before the imagination of Mr. C., and he employs several pages to show the fallacy of the doctrines in that book. The sect of perfectionists had a parallel in the 'everlasting sect,' which sprung up fifty or sixty years ago in a part of New-England. They maintained that man was naturally immortal, and would never die, if he would never transgress. Their faith was not shaken by the successive mortality of the brethren. Whenever any one of the number fell sick and died, his death was ascribed not to his inherent frailty, but to the unfortunate mischance of his -having transgressed...

The editor professes to give an account of the writers on govern- Under the impression of the perment before the French revolution. -fectibility or at least its continually In this enumeration he purposely increasing tendency to improveomits Mr. Adams' Defence of the ment and to happiness, Dr. P. American Constitutions. This sat down to investigate the princi-work, consisting of 3 vols. 8vo. was -ples on which governments ought written within the space of four-to be founded, and by which their teen months, to expose and con- claims to publick support and apfute the extravagant doctrines up- probation ought to be tried.' His on the structure of government, leading principle is, that the good

and happiness of the members, that is the majority of the members of any state, is the great standard by which every thing, relating to that state, must be determined. This principle Mr. C. represents as almost the peculiar discovery of Dr. P., when certainly it is known that the advocates of every system have professed to have the publick good in view. There is not all the precision in the statement which language admits. The end of government is not merely the welfare of the majority of members of a state the minority have their rights. Mr. Adams states it more accurately, when he says,the object of all civil institutions is the greatest happiness of the greatest number? A republican majority is of'ten found to be as tyrannical, as selfish, as cruel, and as profligate as the most absolute single despotism that ever existed. By this principle, Dr. P.' says the editor, tests the expediency of hereditary sovereignty, of hereditary rank and privilege, &c. with an evident tendency to those opinions which later experience has sufficiently confirmed.'' These opinions appear to be such as these, that society is instituted not for the governours, but the governed, (which every body admits); that the interests of the few shall in all cases give way to the many; that all hereditary distinction is in all cases and all countries useless and hurtful; that entrusted authority shall be liable to frequent recalls, &c. The sovreignty of the people, written con-stitutions,' universal suffrage, seem to be represented as means to the greatest good. It may be so-but the benefit of these things depends on circumstances. It often happens that the sovereignty of the people amounts to no more than the sovereignty of demagogues,and

those the worst of the people; and written constitutions are many times found to be no obstacles to the views of factious and violent men. What care they for paper restrictions? And universal suffrage, which allows the voice of the ignorant, the vicious, and the vile, the needy and the desperate to be heard, may easily prove, instead of the safeguard, the betrayer of liberty.

ART. 43.

Address, delivered before the R. W. masters and brethren of the lodges of St. John, St. Peter, and St. Mark, at the episcopal church in Newburyport, on the anniversary festival of St. John the Baptist. By Joseph Dana. Newburyport. 1807.

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We have so frequently been told that masonry was the secret haunt of sedition, rebellion, and infidelity;' and read books to prove that it was, especially, a conspiracy against all the governments and religion of Europe,' that we are glad to see it vindicated from the foul aspersion, and represented, on the contrary, as having for its leading object, the cultivation of benevolent affections, and the performance of beneficent actions,' cordially co-operating with the holy religion of the Redeemer in spreading universal philanthropy, and in promoting personal purity and honour.'

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After this honest declaration, we hope the fraternity will not think us uncharitable, if we have sur mised, that they have availed them selves of that admiration of the wonderful, which has so strong an influence on the human mind to attract proselytes, and secure adherents. But, certainly, we cannot object to a ceremonial which serves to make men generous, and and to keep them so.'

Such an elucidation of the principles, objects, and tendency of the craft, as Mr. Dana has given, must conciliate the good opinion and the good wishes of every friend to virtue and benevolence, in favour of the institution by which they are professed. He has furnished a rich treasury of masonick maxims for the instruction of the brethren, and of fine sentiments for the gratification of the uninitiated. We admire his eloquence; and his cause is honoured by so able an advocate!

ART. 44.

Papers on Agriculture; consisting of communications made to the Massachusetts Society for prbmoting Agriculture. Published by the Trustees of the Society. Boston. Young & Minns. 1804. 8vo. pp. 111.

With pleasure we observe that agriculture, which has hitherto in this country, been practised by the simplest operations, is evidently, though slowly, advancing towards a state of maturity. In the rudest districts of New-England the peo ple have already found, that better bread can be made of grain, than of acorns; and, we trust, the time is coming, when they will be able to substitute on their tables the corn of wheat for that of indian

and rye. For this increasing attention to the subject of husbandry we consider the community much indebted to the society, whose eighth number of papers is before us. The communications, mostly original, are upon the history and use of gypsum; the grafting of trees; the relative duration of scions; and upon the subject of dwarf trees, and the diseases and culture of fruit trees in general. Of these papers the most curious is a letter from N. Webster, esq. maintaining that scions are of the same age of the tree, from which they are taken, and that there is a certain period, beyond which an individual species of fruit, any more than an individual animal. cannot be preserved in existence. This theory, however, is rather plausible than satisfactory ; and requires to be tested by a series of experiments, before it is acknowledged to be true.

ART. 45.

A sermon preached before the con"vention of the congre regational ministers in Boston, May 27, 1807, By. John Reed, D. D. Pastor of the first church and congregational society in Bridgewater Boston. Munroe & Francis. 8vo. pp. 39,

That we ought to use our reason in matters of religion, as well as other matters, is one of the fundamental principles of protestantism. Yet such are the prejudices of certain religionists against the exercise of this right, that those who have dared to use and defend it, have frequently been reviled, persecuted, and insulted. They have sometimes been denied the privileges of Christians and even of men; they have been consider

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