H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. think that it is only necessary for Congress to grant the protection they ask, in order to insure them immediate and complete success. They seem to think that something magical is to spring out of an act of Congress, and that as soon as the seal of authority is affixed to their chartered privileges, all these manufacturing institutions, which in other countries have required the lapse of ages to bring them to perfection, are, on this side the Atlantic, to spring instantaneously, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, into a full, sudden, and perfect maturity. Any one who will attentively examine this opinion for a single moment, will not hesitate to pronounce it a perfect illusion; for, by tracing the early history of manufactures in every country, it will be found that the want of skill in the application of the capital and labor employed, has retarded their first advancement; and that complete success has been attained only after years of disappointment and disastrous experience. In still further answer to this part of the argument, it may be said, that the proposed increase of duty is small, that it is idle to expect that so trifling an advance upon the burden already imposed, can produce such important consequences; and that the supply will still be adequate to the wants of the country, without any oppressive increase of price; that the deficiency at home will still be supplied from abroad. [APRIL, 1824. produced a substitute for the immense amount of coarse woollens from abroad, at present consumed in the Southern country. The same kind of revolution would take place in the domestic economy of all the poor people. How can any one, then, undertake to say, that the operation of the present measure will not produce a diminution of the revenue? But, said Mr. C., I hear it repeated, that the proposed increase of duty is so small an advance upon that already paid, that it is futile to expect such eventful consequences from a cause so inadequate; that a slight improvement in the price of cotton, of rice, or of tobacco, will enable the growers of those articles still to consume these foreign fabrics, without feeling any additional burden. If what has already been said on this subject be not a sufficient answer to this coaxing douceur, let me, said Mr. C., inform gentlemen, that the history of the world furnishes no example of the commercial or manufacturing part of a community who had any important object to subserve or promote, at the expense of some rival interest, who did not apply themselves to just such devices as the present, and employ the self-same expedients to allay the fears of those on whose interests they meditated an attack. Let me not be misunderstood. I do not mean to accuse the advocates of this bill with any fixed, deliberate purpose of subverting the interests of the Southern States. Nor do I believe that they have any wish to destroy that equilibrium which ought to pervade the industry of every well-regulated Government, so that, in the confusion which might ensue, man the ruins of agriculture. I should be unwilling to believe that such a spirit existed in any portion of men, in any portion of this country. But, sir, the extreme subtlety with which such a spirit operates, the insensible influence which it exerts upon those who will not acknowledge its presence, and the thousand insidious forms that it assumes, for the purpose of accomplishing its object, might induce some gentlemen to look well to what they were doing, before they gave this measure their sanction. It would, st any rate, be but a poor consolation to those who are to feel the mischief of its unequal operation, to reflect, that its authors were actuated by the most benevolent intentions; that their design was purely to benefit themselves, without any the remotest intention to injure others. If the evil happens, it matters not what motives gave birth to it, and the mere absence of malignity from the intention of those who inflict it, can never mitigate the sufferings of the victim. Let us examine this supposition for a moment, in detail, to see whether it be true, or whether any the slightest augmentation of the present duty would not have the effect of excluding such fabrics altogether from our mar-ufactures might, peradventure, be exalted on kets. The present taxes with which they are burdened to the purchasers, are such as barely to enable the Southern planters to purchase them, for the purpose of clothing their slaves. The extreme depression of their foreign markets has produced so much embarrassment at home, that many of them seriously deliberate within themselves whether they had not better, by some exertion of household economy, manufacture these fabrics of primary necessity within themselves, rather than purchase them at their present prices. And any one who will reflect on the facilities with which a slaveholding State may occasionally devote their labor to this object, without deducting from the average annual product of their crop, cannot be surprised to find this species of manufacture come into general use. How is it conducted? It is produced with hardly any loss of field labor: It is carried on chiefly by women, at seasons when the inclemency of the weather would prevent them from being employed in the field. And, on all large plantations, there are a number of women who, from their skill in this species of employment, their bad health, or infirm constitution, it would be found advisable to devote altogether to this species of labor. Thus, with a very trifling loss on any plantation, and on many without any loss at all, might be Intimately connected with its diminution of the revenue, may be considered the effects of this measure upon the maritime strength of the country. Its pernicious operation, in this respect, has already been so ably delineated by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that, Mr. C. said, he felt that, to enlarge on this topic, APRIL, 1824.] DEBATES OF CONGRESS. The Tariff Bill. [H. or R. have already contributed more than their pro- would be an unwarrantable trespass on the and to nearly one-half of all this Union, may committee. But, it did. appear to him, that, emphatically be said to be against public opinexactly in proportion as the effects of this ion. We all know the lamentable consequences measure would be injuriously felt upon our which flow from a measure which thus violates finances, they would prove discouraging to our public sentiment; which arrays, on the one seamen; and, shutting our eyes upon the im- side, our long-settled habits, affections, judgmense proportion of our revenue derived from ments, and prejudices, if you please, against this source, excluding from our estimate two- what, on the other? Nothing more nor less thirds of the whole national income, flowing than your isolated, unsupported, parchment into the treasury from our duties upon imports law! Experience as well as reason point to and tonnage, shall this Government, to favor a the introduction of the profligate practice of class of individuals, who will not make the re- smuggling, and the general demoralizing effects turn of a single farthing to the Treasury, to of it on the mercantile community, as the twocompensate for the sacrifice proposed, do an fold mischief which may be expected to be realact, the ultimate tendency of which will be to ized in this country, as the first-fruits of this Every seaman project. And let no one pretend to say, that cripple our maritime strength? that you deprive of his daily bread, and every the extent to which the practice of smuggling merchantman that you send from your employ-may be introduced, will not be such as will be ment, inflicts an injury upon the commercial seriously felt on our finances. Remember the spirit and naval enterprise of this country. strong feelings and cherished interests which And is this the opportune juncture that gentle- the passage of this law will violate. Recollect men have selected to inflict such a blow on the that those feelings are deep-rooted, because naval service of their country? Have they they spring up in the minds of those who enalready forgotten the numerous "deeds of no-tertain them from a consciousness that they ble daring," and the gallant achievements that have covered our navy with a glory which the friends of that bulwark of our defence, trust, may be as lasting as it is unquestionably brilliant? Have they, before the sound has quite died upon their ears, forgotten that it is the dying echo of that thunder which reverberated across the Atlantic, and has dispelled the invincibility of the mistress of the ocean! Will they consent to be instrumental in bringing their country into that situation in which the verdant laurels with which their countrymen have so recently entwined the temples of our naval heroes, will wither and fade away? No! Such questions do equal injustice to the gratitude and magnanimous policy of this country. The legislative provisions of our Government speak a language on this subject, in perfect and delightful harmony with the undivided voice which is uttered from Maine to Florida. We ought, under existing circumstances, to look with an equal, if not with a jealous and parental eye, upon the claim which this class of our people has upon the regard and protection of their Government. That prayer which its divine Author intended for the guidance of all mankind, and which says, "Lead us not into temptation," ought not to be overlooked in what we propose to do in reference to this class of our citizens. They ought not to be placed in that situation in which they should be tempted to lead themselves to the practice of smuggling. We ought to touch with exceeding great caution the interests of that portion of the community who, from the immense contributions they have already made, and from the enormous exactions which are now yearly and monthly made of them, have no reason to suppose that they enjoy a monopoly of the public favor of this country. Let us beware how we adopt a measure which, in reference to the whole of this enterprising class of our citizens, VOL. VII-46 The history of this country shows that the Upwards of thirty years ago, a distinguished 1 H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [APRIL, 1824. Our manufactures of glass ware have succeeded. Large establishments for this manufacture are now in prosperous operation at Boston, New York, and Pittsburg. Besides these, there are many minor factories scattered through the Northern and Eastern States, of whose profits and situation I cannot speak. vantages which this country presents for such | If these facts be not regarded as a sufficient manufactures, abounding as it does in every va- evidence of the prosperity of this branch of riety of soil, in every variety of mineral, and American manufactures, Mr. C. said he was at of ores, in every variety of water power, to be a loss to know what proof gentlemen would ask. applied either to the purposes of transporta- If such profits be not sufficient to satisfy their tion, or to be used for propelling machinery, desires, Congress might exhaust in vain the cannot feel the least wonder that such a protec- treasury of the nation to glut their cupidity. tion should, at that time, have been thought abundantly adequate. And has the American Government listened to the wise counsels of this distinguished member of her cabinet? It has. And has fulfilled, to the fullest extent, his recommendation. The duties that have been imposed, from time to time, since the period of his advice, have more than trebled what he recommended. And I repeat it, said Mr. C., that whoever will consider for himself the exuberant redundance with which this country produces all the raw materials that can compose our domestic manufactures of every kind whoever will cast his eye at the same time upon the map and upon the tariff of the United States, and contemplate the immense distance which separates us from all foreign competition, must inevitably come to the conclusion, that, if our manufactories have not already arrived to that degree of perfection which their most sanguine friends could desire, their backwardness is to be imputed to very different causes, from the want of protection. A nearer view of our manufacturing establishments themselves, will conduct us to the same conclusion. What is their present condition? Mr. C. said he would not pretend (as he lacked the necessary information) to go into a minute and detailed history of the manufactures of this country. But a brief outline of some of the most prominent of them would convince any unprejudiced mind, that the repeated complaints that had been heard on this subject, were destitute of any foundation. The manufacture of iron, in many departments of it, has been already attended with complete success. Many utensils of great and general use, made of this material, have long since acquired their utmost degree of perfection. The history of many of these manufactures shows that their success has not depended on extravagant legislative protection. For, sir, long before the protecting duty, designed for their encouragement, had reached its utmost limit, the ingenuity of the American artist had outstripped the bounty of his Government, and reached perfection. The manufacture of cotton goods in the Eastern States has been attended with a success which has surpassed the expectations of the most sanguine friends of domestic manufactures. Wherever common prudence and skill have been exercised, capitalists who have embarked in this business have derived an annual profit from their investments, averaging from fifteen to twenty per cent. In some establishments their occasional profits have considerably exceeded that rate. Already have their fabrics become an article of export to foreign markets. Our woollen factories, although they have not been crowned with the same success that has attended the cotton factories, have yet come far short of encountering an entire failure. Their progress will bear flattering comparison with the incipient stage of similar manufactures in other countries. And some explanatica may be given to the uneasiness and discontent which this portion of our manufacturers have manifested, by calling to mind the fact that they have been reared up, and have had their day in the immediate vicinity of their more fortunate and flourishing sister factories of cotton. Incorporated, as they are, with each other, in point of location, it is quite natural that the daily contemplation of the superior success of the one, should fill the other with murmuring and despondency. But the actual intrinsic condition of the manufacture itself, ought not to be taken as the entire cause of the complaints we hear. Permit me, said Mr. C., to read, for the information of the committee, a statement of the manufacture of flannel in this country, which has met my eye during this discussion. [Here Mr. C. read from a newspaper, showing the progress of the flannel manufactories in Boston and its vicinity.] It is worthy of remark, in the present outcry which is made for protection against the ruinous effects of foreign competition, that the interests of large moneyed capitalists is distinct ly to be traced. Amidst the general swell of complaint with which we are assailed, their voice is plainly to be heard. While they are besieging Congress with their importunities, the laboring crowds which fill their manufacturing houses are working on in silence and contentment. They are not to be benefited by the bounty which is asked. The wages of this numerous class of our citizens are not to receive a proportionate increase. They are still to remain the humble but productive instruments of pampering the pride and augmenting the wealth of their lordly and avaricious masters Thus, the evident and direct tendency of this measure is to confer upon moneyed capital unequal advantages, and to raise up, in the bosom of our country, where we have so long boasted of our equal rights and privileges, and of the unsophisticated simplicity of our manners, a haughty, dominant spirit of aristocracy. Of the effects of such a spirit, Mr. C. said, it was needless that he should speak to such an assembly. Suffice it to say, that, in no country has it ever appeared without changing and disfiguring the face of society. And there is no country under the sun where its first appearance should be more earnestly deprecated, and carefully avoided, than in our own. Why is it, sir, since the cotton factories of New England have got into successful operation, and offer such strong temptations to avarice, that we find no emigrant from the South going thither to embark his fortunes in any of them? The answer is to be found in the condition of our country, and the character of our people. The present generation must pass away before such a spectacle will be witnessed in this country. Just as soon, said Mr. C., would he expect to see an aboriginal inhabitant coming from beyond the mountains, deserting his native wilderness, and seeking his happiness amidst all the splendid accommodations and luxurious habits of civilized life. Mr. C. said he would say nothing about the demoralizing effects of a general introduction of the manufacturing system. For, notwithstanding he believed it fairly exposed to this objection, he had great consolation in believing that, whenever this mischief was seriously to be apprehended, it presupposed so extensive an introduction of the system already made, that he could not think there was much cause for alarm from this quarter. The objection would gather strength as the manufactories of the country became multiplied and enlarged. He was not afraid that the passage of the bill would suddenly convert the people of this country so much to manufactures that their morals would be ruined. We are yet hardly removed from our starting point in the great orbit we are destined to describe; and nothing could be more idle than to suppose that any vote which we may give on the question before us would have such a transforming effect upon the character of the American people. Ages must yet pass away before we can expect to see a Manchester or a Birmingham on this side the Atlantic, except they be scattered at great distances from each other, Another objection, which is entitled to great weight in determining this question, is the tendency of the policy whch dictates it to perpetuate itself. When you have once yielded to it, you are under a moral necessity for continuing it. Such has been the result of the experiment wherever it has been made. This year, one class of your citizens present themselves before you, and appeal to you for protection. You hear them, and grant their request. The second year another class, observing the listening ear which Government lends to such applications, are encouraged to prefer their claims. They succeed, and obtain the passage of a law for their special benefit. The third year opens the way for still a third class, who fortify themselves on equally strong ground, and make their [H. OF R. appeal to your justice or your liberality with equal success. Thus, all these laws, from their peculiar nature, being designed to operate upon improper subjects, produce consequences which were at first wholly unforeseen. These unexpected consequences, in their turn, beget the necessity of new legislative enactments. In this way you progress to an indefinite length, filling up your statute book with explanatory, supplemental, and amendatory acts, until you literally lose yourself in a maze of legislation. Conduct like this has no just parallel, except in that of a man whose disordered health has been produced by the indiscreet use of remedies whose frequent repetition has established their dominion over him, and while they impose upon him the necessity of a ceaseless routine of medicme, render it perfectly certain that his health can never be entirely restored. This is a policy unbecoming the destinies of our rising and spreading Republic. I do not,.said Mr. C., wish to see this country, by this kind of political quackery, enervating and destroying all the wholesome and natural energies of her physical constitution. I am unwilling to see her taking such uncommon pains to superinduce upon herself, before their time, all the infirmities of old age. Such artificial stimulants as the present only suit the decline of life. We Our situation is a peculiar one. It involves us in high responsibilities. In every step we take, in the development of our future destinies, we should ponder with the utmost caution and most solemn deliberation. are under obligations of the most sacred character, not only to the present generation, who are looking from every quarter of this Union, with the utmost solicitude, to the issue of our present deliberations, but to unborn millions who will yet live to experience the fruits of this measure. In taking an enlarged view of the situation of our country, and of the policy to which it ought to direct us, it ought not to be forgotten that we are surrounded on all sides by the ocean. Look to what quarter of the horizon you will, and your eye meets an immeasurable waste of waters. What ought this circumstance to intimate to the statesman, who, like the immortal Edmund Burke, believed that the situation of every nation, like that of every individual, ought to be the preceptor of their duty? Would he not infer from it that the same munificent Providence that had blessed our happy country with such unexampled abundance at home, had thrown around us this circumambient world of waters to invite us to transport the fruits of our soil to every region of the earth? Yes, sir, it is our duty to beware how we fetter and restrain the spirit of commerce. That, if possible, ought to be left free as the wind of heaven that wafts it on the bosom of the deep. Let us take heed how we legislate our wharves, which are now populous and cheerful, into silent but impressive monuments of the commerce that has H. OF R.] deserted them. The Tariff Bill-Iron. to see the flag of American commerce floating to the idle wind in our harbors. He wanted to see it visiting ocean's furthest shore, and returning home with the fruits, the treasures, and the riches of every clime. He wanted to see it extending its peaceful conquest over every sea, and as much respected in every quarter of the globe, for the skill of our sailors and the enterprise of our merchants, as it confessedly is for the heroism which so lately defended it in war. Trophies, won in this way, will contribute largely to the happiness, the wealth, and the power of this country. And, although they may not hold up, in such a bright relief, a few ambitious spirits who thirst for military conquest, will, when they are collected together by the future historian, constitute the most emphatic eulogium which can be pronounced upon the wisdom that has guided the councils of this nation. [APRIL, 1824. Mr. C. said he did not wish | patience of the committee by going very fully When Mr. CARTER had concluded- noes 96. Mr. CLARK, of New York, then moved to amend the duty on iron, by reducing it from one dollar and twelve cents to ninety cents. A motion was made to rise-ayes 87, noes 96. Mr. CLARK then supported his motion by a speech, but gave way, at half-past 4 o'clock, for a motion to rise. The committee rose accordingly, and the House adjourned. TUESDAY, April 6. From this statement, sir, it appears that no branch of business in our country is carried on with more profit to those engaged in it, (I mean of the description I have mentioned,) nor with more certainty of success; and any further protection would only be giving them enormous profits. [Mr. C. here read the detailed statement, by which it appeared that the expense of making a ton of iron was only $63 60.] From the price current, it appears the price of this article, now in our market, is from $81 to $8 a ton. So that the profits, at this rate, are from Canal in the Territory of Florida. $17 40 to $19 40 a ton. Here, sir, is an ample Mr. RANKIN, from the Committee on the Public profit, and one that offers better encouragement Lands, to which was referred, on the 29th ulti-than almost any other branch of business in the mo, a memorial of inhabitants of St. Augustine, reported a bill to authorize the Territory of Florida to open a canal through the public lands, to unite the river St. John's with the Bay of St. Augustine; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the whole House, to which is committed the bill to authorize the State of Indiana to open a canal through the public lands, to connect the navigation of the rivers Wabash and the Miami of Lake Erie. The Tariff Bill. The House then again went into Committee of the Whole on the bill to amend the several acts laying duties upon imports. Mr. CLARK, of New York, had moved to reduce the duty on iron from one dollar and twelve cents to ninety cents per hundred weight. Iron. In support of this amendment, he said that, after the very protracted debate on this bill, it could not be expected he would trespass on the country. I am aware, sir, that this will not apply to more than one-third of our iron factories-that the others labor under disadvantage of various kinds, and probably even with the proposed duty would find no protection. Increase your duties, sir, so as to shut out all inported iron from the country, and those who now really require the protection, would find themselves undersold in the market by their more fortunate competitors, and would as much need protection against them as the importers But, sir, if all these considerations were obviated, and none of the objections I have enthis duty from other considerations. I would merated existed, I should still be opposed to oppose burdening this article with heavy duties, because such a measure would be at war with the general objects of the bill. What is that object, sir? It is the encouragement of the agricultural and manufacturing it terests of the country. This bill proposes to load with additional duties one of the staple ne cessaries of both these employments. You also profess, by this bill, to give encouragement and employment to industry. By stopping the im |