"Q. What became of the baby she let drop?-A. The baby died that night or the next morning. I found out in the morning that it had died; and the other two children died a day or two afterwards.

"Q. Died of starvation?-A. Yes; starvation."

Mr. Koop was a man traveling in the tobacco business, and he expressed the opinion that the true purpose of the Spaniards in herding the farmers in the Zones" of cultivation was to cause them to perish of fevers and starvation. We quote:

"Q. Do the Spanish treat the Cubans with repugnance?-A. They feel that a Cuban is worse than a dog.

"Q. You think, then, that the purpose of the regulation was really to starve these people to death? A. Yes; the sole purpose. It is well known that 900,000 of those natives were forced in from their homes, and out of that number 500,000 have died already. Therefore, the results have proved the motive.

"Q. What was the apparent relation between the soldiers and these reconcentrados, or did the soldiers seem to have any sort of human regard for them? A. Many of the soldiers are low spirited and absolutely incapable of having such resentment, because, in the majority of cases, they were mere boys and in such a condition as to be hardly able to take care of themselves. The repugnance was largely among the officers and the Spanish guards, which is the flower of the army. They are in better condition than the common soldiers. The Home Guard, picked men, are also in better condition.

"Q. What is the feeling of this class that are in better condition—what is their feeling towards these poor reconcentrados, as you saw it?-A. There is a sort of a feeling between them that they would eat at one another's table, if they could. If one had anything, they would give it to the other. There was no animosity among the ordinary soldiery of the Spanish army."

During the examination of witnesses by Senators to ascertain accurately the state of the island, much attention was given any one who had ever been in or about the Cuban capital, and anything that supported the view that the Cubans had a civil government somewhere in the woods was dwelt upon and made impressive as possible. This was with a view of putting the Cubans to the front as constituting a Republic. There was found, to the satisfaction of the pro-Cuban party, that there was an organization camped in a secluded spot, in light marching order, with a President, and a cabinet and all the

formal appurtenances. As the Cubans could not maintain themselves at any particular port, they were given to magnifying the formalities and celebrating the functional equipments of their government and to claiming for it a "complete" postal system, and also an all-encircling coast guard, but this machine lacked a great deal of perfection, and indeed the uses to which it was applicable were rather in anticipation than performance-like the Cuban army in the later months before the United States declared war. The far-sighted organizers remote from the scenes, seeing that they had ready a government to claim the sovereignty to be wrested by our arms from the Spaniards, set up an official ring as the people of Cuba, with power to mortgage the bloody ashes of the island, and assume to rule when their turn came as the Spaniards had done. The history of the island in the future must depend in a comprehensive way upon the dealing with the professors of official Cubanism, by the government of the United States, whose specific promise to the people of Cuba and the United States and all civilized men, was and remains to establish a "stable government." The immediate necessity is that the possessions with which Spain has parted are to be subordinated to our military forces, under the inviolable guaranties of "the faith and honor of the army of the United States."

The Conservative Administrations of Grant, Cleveland and McKinley-A Variety of "American Citizens" in Havana-Judicious Discrimination of Consulate Authorities-A Young Man who Gave Himself Away-The Brave Stand of the President against Bulling the Market for Bonds Issued on a Basis of Bloody Ashes.

The consul-generalship of General Fitzhugh Lee, at Havana, lapping the national administrations of President Cleveland and President McKinley, was an important incident in the development of the public opinion and official policy of the United States in the affairs of Cuba. The lines pursued by President Cleveland and the State papers of Secretary Olney did not depart widely from those of the concluding administration of President Grant and the grave and powerful but reserved communications from Secretary Fish, whose correspondence from Ministers Daniel Sickles and Caleb Cushing at Madrid was marked by individual distinctions so strong that their letters are a most valuable source of interior intelligence, indispensable to a correct understanding of the course of events from the Ostend manifesto to the declaration by the United States of war against Spain. There is to be marked the consistent straightforwardness of the administrations of General Grant, Grover Cleveland and William McKinley, in the performance, under circumstances of constant difficulty, of our duty toward Spain as a friendly power in the maintenance of our international obligations. Though this was a subject of a great deal of polite writing and speaking by the diplomatic representatives of Spain, it was a fact perfectly within the scope of the intelligence of the American people that the popular feeling in Spain was that we encouraged filibusters and were considerably accountable for the Cuban insurrections that were so disastrous to the credit of the Spaniards. Our people did, of course, sympathize with the Cubans, and entertained no doubt that Spain would and should lose the island, as Mexico, Peru, and the rest of

The Conservative Administrations of Grant, Cleveland and McKinley-A Variety of "American Citizens" in Havana-Judicious Discrimination of Consulate Authorities-A Young Man who Gave Himself Away-The Brave Stand of the President against Bulling the Market for Bonds Issued on a Basis of Bloody Ashes.

The consul-generalship of General Fitzhugh Lee, at Havana, lapping the national administrations of President Cleveland and President McKinley, was an important incident in the development of the public opinion and official policy of the United States in the affairs of Cuba. The lines pursued by President Cleveland and the State papers of Secretary Olney did not depart widely from those of the concluding administration of President Grant and the grave and powerful but reserved communications from Secretary Fish, whose correspondence from Ministers Daniel Sickles and Caleb Cushing at Madrid was marked by individual distinctions so strong that their letters are a most valuable source of interior intelligence, indispensable to a correct understanding of the course of events from the Ostend manifesto to the declaration by the United States of war against Spain. There is to be marked the consistent straightforwardness of the administrations of General Grant, Grover Cleveland and William McKinley, in the performance, under circumstances of constant difficulty, of our duty toward Spain as a friendly power in the maintenance of our international obligations. Though this was a subject of a great deal of polite writing and speaking by the diplomatic representatives of Spain, it was a fact perfectly within the scope of the intelligence of the American people that the popular feeling in Spain was that we encouraged filibusters and were considerably accountable for the Cuban insurrections that were so disastrous to the credit of the Spaniards. Our people did, of course, sympathize with the Cubans, and entertained no doubt that Spain would and should lose the island, as Mexico, Peru, and the rest of