the whole of the artillery, were in Florida, the 4 remaining regiments being nearly all distributed at great distances along the western frontier. On the 15th of January, General Scott informed the commanding officer of the British armed vessels on the Niagara, that the governor of New York and himself were at hand, "to enforce the neutrality of the United States and to protect our own soil or waters from violation."@ The next day the steamer Barcelona, which had replaced the Caroline, was to return from Navy Island to Buffalo, and on the nature of her passage depended the question of peace or war. As she passed along, the British withheld their fire, the pacific disposition of the American commander having triumphed." While the incident of the Barcelona proved the climax of the troubles along the Niagara River, the agitation continued till 1839, when another and more serious difficulty occurred regarding the boundary of Maine. To meet this emergency, the Regular Army being still engaged in Florida and the Southwest, Congress again resolved to trust to raw troops. By the act of March 3, it authorized the President— to resist any attempt on the part of Great Britain to enforce, by arms, her claim to jurisdiction over that part of the State of Maine which is in dispute between the United States and Great Britain, and for that purpose he was empowered to employ the naval and military forces of the United States and such portions of the militia, as he might deem it advisable to call into service. The third section, in case of actual invasion, or of imminent danger from such invasion, discovered to exist before Congress could be convened to act on the subject, authorized the President to accept the services of not exceeding 50,000 volunteers, who were to furnish their own clothes and horses and to serve six or twelve months, after arriving at the place of rendezvous. The fifth section placed $10,000,000 at the disposal of the President, for the purposes of executing the act, which, by the sixth and last section, was to continue in force until the end of sixty days after the meeting of the first session of the following Congress. с A glance at this law, for the passage of which General Scott claimed special credit, shows that on its face there was no indication that Congress had either appreciated or been able to profit by the losses of the Revolution, the War of 1812, or even by its own two years' experience with the Florida War. Fortunately for the country, a repetition of the disasters which marked the beginning of the War of 1812 was averted by a peaceful settlement. CAMPAIGNS FROM 1838 TO 1842. The war in Florida was conducted henceforward by a succession of commanders, who mostly limited their operations to the combined. movements of small detachments numbering from 50 to 100 men each. On the 15th of May, 1838, General Jesup was relieved, at his own request, and succeeded by Col. Zachary Taylor. From the beginning @Scott's Autobiography, vol. 1, p. 315. Scott's Autobiography, vol. 1, p. 316, 317. of General Jesup's second campaign-1st September, 1837-until he relinquished command, the number of Indians killed was estimated at 35, the captured at 1,955; the negroes and Indians who voluntarily surrendered were computed at 2,400, of whom 700 were warriors. After this, up to the summer of 1839, the Indians rarely if ever engaged the regular troops. In May, 1839, General Macomb visited Florida, and on the 18th of the month promulgated the following general order: The Major-General Commanding in Chief, has the satisfaction of announcing to the army in Florida, to the authorities of the Territory, and to citizens generally, that he has this day terminated the war with the Seminole Indians, by an agreement entered into with Chitto Tustenuggee, principal chief of the Seminoles, and successor to Arpeika, commonly called Sam Jones, brought to this post by Lieutenant-Colonel Harney, Second Dragoons, from the southern part of the Peninsula. By the terms of the treaty, hostilities were to cease immediately, the Indians to retire within sixty days to territory south of Pease Creek, where, being protected from intrusion by the troops, they were "to remain till further arrangements could be made." Within this territory no citizen was to enter, without the permission of post commanders. Relying on the good faith of the Indians, the citizens again returned to their homes, but on the 23d of July, Colonel Harney, who had gone with about 40 men to the Coloosahatchee River, to establish a trading post pursuant to the treaty, was treacherously attacked just before dawn and 18 of his men massacred, himself and 13 others escaping. This treachery renewed the war for a third time with all its former aggravations, the citizens again abandoned their plantations, the Indians appeared in small parties, carrying dismay throughout the Peninsula, while the troops, in small detachments, resumed the almost fruitless task of scouting, the forests and swamps. In the summer of 1840, General Taylor was relieved from duty at his own request, and ordered to turn over the command to General Armistead. Under General Armistead, the Territory was divided into seven military districts. The regular troops at his disposal consisted of: In addition a force of 1,500 militia--500 foot and 1,000 mountedwere being raised for operations in north Florida. After directing military movements until the summer of 1841, General Armistead, at his own request, was ordered to turn over the command to Colonel Worth of the Eighth Infantry. This officer inaugurated a system of summer campaigns, which destroyed the crops and other means of subsistence of the Indians and soon forced them to sue for peace. The character of the country traversed in these campaigns is thus described by General Sprague: The undergrowth is almost impenetrable, consisting of scrub oak, palmetto, and grapevines, so thick that a passage can only be made with the assistance of an ax, cutting a footpath as through a wall. At the distance of 10 feet an individual is totally obscured. The wet hummocks are more formidable but less frequented. In most of them the water stands the year around from 4 to 6 inches deep, with a thick undergrowth, intermixed with cypress stumps and trees. The cypress swamps are generally filled with water from 1 to 3 feet deep. The trees are covered with a heavy, dark-green moss, festooned from tree to tree like drapery, totally obscuring the sun, almost the light of day. A green scum floats upon the surface and when disturbed by footmen, the atmosphere becomes impregnated with a noxious effluvium.a In speaking of the sacrifices and sickness of the troops, General Sprague continues: These columns or detachments continued in the field twenty-five days, but of 600 men comprising the total number engaged, in wading swamps and hummocks, 220 were from time to time reported sick. Of this number, 130 were sent to the general hospital, totally unfit for any duty whatever. Fever and dysentery were the prevailing diseases. Officers and soldiers were inevitably exposed to the vicissitudes of the climate. Day after day they were wet to the skin, then subjected to a burning sun, causing an atmosphere to arise from the heated sand almost unsupportable. The bands of Indians, which for years had lived from season to season, in the enjoyment of abundance, celebrating their corn dances and festivals, harassing the white man as suited their convenience or inclination, were now driven in small parties to remote and unhealthy hiding places. The foundation of the contest was reached, which inspired all with the hope of future success.“ The sick report for July, 1841, the first month after the inauguration of the new policy, showed that 2,428 officers and men were taken sick, of whom 815 men were returned to duty, 31 died, and 11 discharged for disability. In August 2,023 were taken sick, of whom 806 were returned to duty, 21 died, and 13 discharged for disability. The available regular force present from June 1, 1841, to February 28, 1842, numbered 245 officers and 4,747 men. The number of cases of sickness during the same time was 15,794. While the troops were thus exposed to the ravages of disease, the effect of the campaign upon the Indians more than justified the wisdom of the new policy. The Indians were finally so reduced in numbers, that Colonel Worth, on the 14th of February, 1842, was able to report their whole strength at 112 warriors and 189 women and children; total, 301. Instead of further wasting his command in profitless scouts, he recommended that the number of troops in Florida be reduced; that those who remained be stationed at different posts for the protection of the country; that offensive operations cease; that the Indians be assured of being unmolested in future, so long as they were peace ful, and that efforts be then made, through delegates from Arkansas, to persuade them to emigrate west of the Mississippi. These terms, substantially the same as those advocated by General Jesup when the Indians surrendered in 1838, were referred at Washington to a council of officers, by whom they were disapproved. Operations were accordingly resumed; but on the 10th of May, 1842, the President, in a message to Congress, approved Colonel Worth's recommendations, and that officer, on the 14th of August, announced in orders that "hostilities with the Indians in Florida have ceased." By the terms of the order, the Indians were granted a temporary reservation to the south of Pease Creek, where they remained so peaceful that in November, 1843, Colonel Worth wrote to the Adjutant-General: Since the pacification of August, 1842, these people have observed perfect good faith and strictly fulfilled their engagements; not an instance of rudeness toward the whites has yet occurred. They plant and hunt diligently, and take their game and skins to Fort Brooke, procure the necessaries they desire, and return quietly to their grounds. a Sprague's History of the Florida War, p. 283. MILITIA FORCED UPON THE GOVERNMENT. The weakness of our military system was proven at various times during the War of 1812, by the refusal of governors to call out the militia. The Florida War, by way of contrast, afforded instances where militia were persistently forced upon the Government, in spite of its efforts to economize. Such was notably the case in 1841, when, on account of a few murders and some alleged signs of Indians, the Secretary of War was induced to authorize Colonel Worth, to muster in two companies of militia for three months. On the 17th of August, in a reply to the Secretary, after stating that it was not in human foresight to prevent even isolated cases of violence, Colonel Worth added that it will be with extreme reluctance, and only in the last resort, that I shall muster in militia, and I must be permitted to add that a desire for the service enters largely into every panic. One feature of this proposed employment of the militia was that they should be independent of the army commander, a proposition which was promptly rejected by the Secretary. He wrote to the governor as follows: It is not perceived that any advantage can be reasonably expected from a division of the command in Florida, but rather, it is apprehended that great inconvenience might result, from want of concert, of action between two commanders. The Government has entire confidence in the disposition and ability of Colonel Worth, not only to conduct offensive operations against Indians, but also through his subordinate officers, to afford all requisite and proper protection to the frontier and inhabitants, and for this purpose he has been authorized, whenever he might deem it expedient, to call into service any portion of the militia, not exceeding one regiment. Efforts to have the militia called out were not confined to Florida. Governor McDonald, of Georgia, being unable to convince either the military commander, or the authorities at Washington of actual danger, as evinced by signs and tracks, finally, on his own authority, ordered two companies into the field, and in explanation of his action wrote to Colonel Worth, September 15, 1841, as follows: But, be the cause what it may, I can not consent to permit the people of this State to be exposed to the depredations of the Indians, and have ordered out 2 companies of mounted men for their protection. I must ask you to supply them with the necessary forage and subsistence, as long as it is necessary to retain them in service. To this Colonel Worth replied: I do not consider myself authorized to comply with your Excellency's requisition to supply these troops with forage and subsistence. The subject will be referred to the proper department at Washington, whence I may expect to receive instructions. This reply was accompanied by a report as to the disposition of 10 companies, occupying nine different posts, for the protection of Georgia, and stated that active scouting parties had been kept up during the summer, from Traders Hill and Fort Moniac, without discovering any Indian signs. On the same date, October 17, 1841, Colonel Worth, in reporting the disposition of the troops, wrote to the Commander in Chief: In reply to his Excellency I have considered it out of place to make any remark touching the expediency of the measure, but have deemed it my duty to admonish the staff departments to do no act, that would in any sense commit the Department of War, in respect of troops thus in the field. Under instructions from the General in Chief, General Scott, Captain Bliss was ordered to report to Colonel Worth, for the purpose of mustering in or mustering out the companies called out by the governor. After investigation, one company was mustered in November 18 and discharged December 30; the other was mustered in a few days later and discharged November 30. Reporting to the Adjutant-General of the Army, Captain Bliss stated: From the best information I can obtain, there has not existed the slightest necessity for calling these militia companies into the service. Intelligent officers assure me that there has not been an Indian in the swamps this summer. Persons are not wanting to report signs from time to time, and parties of regular troops have repeatedly been called out on the most frivolous alarms. On his return to Washington, Captain Bliss made a full report as to affairs in Georgia, showing that adequate measures had been taken for the protection of the frontier. In transmitting this report to Governor McDonald, December 27, 1841, the Secretary of War, J. C. Spencer, stated: * * * An Indian frontier, in time of war, can not expect absolute immunity from the depredations of small parties. No amount of force, regular or militia, can prevent the occasional inroads of a daring enemy. It is believed that even were a mounted militia force kept continuously in service, it would contribute but little additional protection to the frontier, beyond that which the inhabitants can afford themselves. Accustomed to the use of arms, and provided as they are with them, the border settlers must necessarily rely upon their material aid for the surest and best protection. This remark is corroborated by the tendency which is known to exist among embodied militia, to disperse to their homes when serving near them. They are aware that when a large portion of a sparse population is collected at a few points, all others are left exposed, and they feel that their families and firesides can not be free from alarm or danger in their absence. In reference to your remarks respecting the hazard of relying upon the opinions of the officers of the Regular Army, as to the nature and extent of the danger, and the means of guarding against it, it is proper to remark, that those who have served on the frontier have, at least, as good means of information as the militia officers or inhabitants, and are at least disinterested in the recommendations they make. The officer commanding the army in Florida, is responsible for the suitable application of the force under his orders, not only for the purpose of offensive operations, but also the defense of the settlements of Georgia and Florida. Acting under the high responsibility and with much better means of information than any possessed by this department, he has deemed the existing dispositions for the protection of the Okefenokee Frontier adequate for that purpose, and has therefore declined the services of a militia force. Confirmed as the correctness of his decision has been, by the most recent intelligence received here, I can not undertake to countermand his order for the discharge of the militia force. * * * I trust there will be no more occasion for calling the militia into service, as all accounts from Florida concur in representing the great probability of a speedy termination to the conflict. Copies of your communication will, however, be sent to Colonel Worth; but I am bound to advise you that the service of the troops discharged, subsequent to that event and prior to any order from Colonel Worth to retain them, can not be recognized. I have the honor to forward to you a communication from General Knight, which furnishes evidence of Indian signs that can not be contradicted, and proof of the indisposition of the regular forces to pursue the Indians into their hiding places. It is useless for me to apply to the Government for an efficient force. Those stationed for the protection of the country, instead of discharging their duty, are almost as troublesome as the savages in the work of murder and destruction of property. Of this I have sent you the testimony. I have taken the defense of the State into my own hands, and only write to ask you to remove the regular troops from the territory of Georgia, that I may have the posts occupied by a military force that may be relied on for the protection of the people. I shall ask the delegation of Georgia in Congress to have appropriations made for the militia. The issue sought in this letter was avoided by the action of Colonel Worth; unaware, he had already withdrawn the troops to strengthen the cordon of posts farther to the south. |