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proof of his majesty's anxiety to reftore the bleffings of peace to thefe kingdoms; but we cannot conceal from ourselves, nor will we, by any ill-timed flattery, diffemble from his majefty, that a total change of councils appears, to us neceflary for the accomplishment of that defirable end, and the re-establishment of peace on any fure or folid foundation." This amendment was feconded by the earl of Suffolk.

Ld Romney faid, that the noble lord (Holland) muft excufe him, when he declared that he should have thought much of what had fallen from him would have better become the mouth of Lucian Buonaparte in an addrefs to the French convention, than that of a Britif peer to a British parliament. He had afferted that the prefent war, and the conduct of it, formed one continued feries of illfuccefs and difgrace. Was there ever any war, in which Britain had ever been engaged, that was more glorious to the British name, more honourable to our flag, or that had afforded fo frequent an opportunity for British feamen and their brave commanders to fignalize themselves by brilliant exploits? As to negotiation for peace, he faw no reafon to think that Buonaparte would not as willingly treat with the prefent minifters as with others. With regard to the high price of provifions, being a confiderable farmer himself, and living in a corn country, it had occurred to him, as a matter of great doubt, whether thole purchafers of corn, who bought great 'quantities, did not do more harm than good? He begged leave alfo to fuggeft another regulation in the corn business, which was, that all corn fhould be brought into the market, and pitched, as in former

times: by that means every perfon would be able to judge for himself, whether there was much corn in the market or not; whereas now, while corn was fold by fample, a few growers met in a private room, and nobody knew whether there was much or little at market. In cafe all the corn fo brought into towns, fhould not be all of it fold on the market day, there fhould be in each town fmall granaries or warehoufes let at eafy rents, in which the unfold corn might be depofited till the next market day.→ Thefe hints of lord Romney's undoubtedly were of folid utility, and merited the ready and warm approbation which was bestowed on them by another patriotic nobleman, and friend to the poor. This was

The earl of Suffolk. His lordfhip entirely concurred in opinion with lord Romney, in what he had propofed for confideration on the fubject of the fcarcity. He alfo concurred with him in opinion, that the greatest praife was due to our naval officers and feamen. They had, during the war, behaved mont glorioufly. But here he must stop: he could go no farther. On the contrary, he joined with the noble lord who moved the amendment, in thinking that our military operations had been, on the whole, il conducted. His majefty's minifters, he maintained, were highly to blame, for not having inflituted an inquiry into feveral of the military expeditions of the war, which he specified.

Lord Grenville having followed lord Holland over the beaten ground of fincerity or infincerity in negotiation, the alleged connexion between war and carcity, which he faid had been clearly difproved,

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the convention of El-Arith, and other particulars, came to the important point of the difference between treating with Buonaparte now and before the battle of Maringo. If Buonaparte were in that houfe, faid his Jordihip, and would speak truth, he mult acknowledge that the battle of Maringo was the fixing of his power. If he had not fucceeded on those plains, he had not now been chief conful of France. If he had not fucceeded, he must have been involved in total ruin. If the noble lord would minutely contemplats the pofture of affairs at that period, he would find that the power of Buonaparte was fufpended by a fine thread, and that his propofition for a negotiation arofe not fo much from a defire of peace, as to confirm him in his precarious power. Since that time, a fuccellion of events had confolidated his power, and he was now de facto ruler of France. On former occafions, his majefty's fervasts had been embarraffed by their duty, which prevented them from fiating to the houfe all they knew refpealing France. At the prefent moment they felt no fuch difficulty: and he diftinctly declared, that, if the French government were fincerely defirous of peace, it might be concluded on fair and honourable terms. With refpect to our ally, it would not be right to fay that he had acted inconfiftently with his alliance, efpecially as he had given his affurance that he would not; but if, contrary to good faith, other councils fhould influence his conduct, then there would be no difficulty in negotiating feparately, in cluding, however, thofe allies who remain with us. Though peace be a great object, though commerce be a great object, yet it was of im

portance that we fhould fhew to the world, that any nation entering into alliance with us, was fure never to be deferted.

The earl of Suffolk afked ministers what fteps and proceedings they meant to take to diminish the high price of provifions? He also begged leave to remark, that the number of dragoons was too great, and more than fufficient, as it was not poffible to employ them in any other than times of tumult and riot. He recommended the abstaining from brewing, and letting the barley grow folely for the ufe of the poor. He alto reminded the houfe, of a fuggeftion which he had offered in a former feffion, namely, to concentrate all the force in the kingdom, as nearly in the middle of it as poffible, and to build vehicles that would hold ten men each, fo as to convey 10,000 troops, with little delay, wherever their exertions might be called for. Thefe vehicles, when not otherwife employed, might be fent to. fetch fish from the coafts, which would be a confiderable relief to the poor and indigent.-On a divifion of the house, there appeared to be five voices for the amendment; and against it fifty: fo that the addrefs was carried by a great majority.A question was now put to minifters by the duke of Norfolk, of the fame purport with the earl of Suffolk's, to which no anfwer had been given. His grace withed to know on what days the fubjects contained in his majesty's fpeech were to be difcuffed? Lord Grenville faid, he could not exactly teli, because it partly depended on the communications that were to be made to the houfe on the subject of fearcity, and partly on the bufinefs before the other houfe.~

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The duke of Norfolk then gave notice that he would move for the appointment of a committee to take into confideration the prefent high price of provifions.-Lord Grenville faid, it was probable that this would be the fame ftep that minifters might propose.

In the HOUSE OF COMMONS, an addrefs of thanks to his majefty was moved by

Sir J. Wrottefly, who juftified all the fentiments expreffed in the fpeech from the throne; but infifted chiefly on the juftice and neceffity of protecting farmers and other individuals dealing in grain from the infults, abufes, and outrages, of a mifguided multitude. His majefly, he obferved, in directing them to the confideration of the laws refpecting the various articles of provifion, had recommended a moft important diftinction between any practices of that nature, and the long-established courfe of trade, which experience had fhewn to be indifpenfable in the prefent ftate of fociety. An addrefs, correfponding to the different topics and fentiments contained in the fpeech being then read, it was feconded by

Mr. W. Dickenfon, junior. Mr. Dickenfon alcribed the prefent high price of provifions chiefly to circumftances, which neither the eye of caution could forefee, nor the hand of care prevent, He alluded to two unfruitful years treading hard on the late harveft. At the commencement of the prefent harveft, there was not a month's confump tion in the country. He believed, however, that there were other, though fecondary caufes of the dear nefs of provifions, particularly the practices of foreftallers, regraters, and monopolifts; and if this de

fcription of perfons could be convicted of heaping artificial on the real calamities of the country, there was, in his opinion, no punishment which the law could inflict too fevere. Yet, he candidly admitted, that the legislature fhould be particularly careful not to apply old or antiquated laws to the fair dealer of the prefent day; not to confound the unfair monopolift with the merchant, who was neceffary for the fupply of the markets. Mr. Dickenfon, among various pertinent remarks, made fome important oblervations on the evils that had befallen, and muft befall, free ftates, on the diffolution of confederacies ne

ceflary to their political exiftence.

Mr. Dickenfon, in conclufion declared, that he feconded the addrefs: 1ft. because it had been moved, in an able fpeech, by his honourable friend; 2d, because it manifefted our duty to our fovereign; 3d. because it afferted the independence and peculiar province of that houfe to grant the fupplies.

Sir Francis Burdett afked minifters how they dared to put into his majefty's mouth that which they themselves and every man in the kingdom knew to be falfe. Having defcribed the distressful state of the country, which had been brought on by the politics of the minifters, he declared, that, as the addrefs went to approve the conduct of thofe to whom the public owed all its calamities, he thould certainly moft ftrenuously oppofe it. For to the war folely, and the enormous taxes which it impofed, fir Francis afcribed the public diftrefs. He confidered money and bank notes as fo many tickets, entitling the bearer to fo many heads of cattle from the graziers, or fo many quar

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ters of corn from the cultivators of the earth. Sir Francis calculated, from the variety and weight of taxes, direct and indirect, that a very fmail fraction of a nine hundredth part of the produce remained to the cultivator as the reward of all the fweat, labour, and thirft emploved upon his capital. The increafed price of every thing was to be afcribed to the increafe of taxes. Befet with claimants, all indufury and prodace would foon be at a stand, if the producer did not find out fome means to ftruggle againft bis deftruction. He cannot deny the authority or validity of the tickets to which he muft answer: but he difputes their value, that is, he raises his price, and thus gives only five perhaps for that ticket which was if fued for ten. The ticket-bearer is then difappointed, and either has his falary raifed, or an additional number of tickets for his next fervice or contract. The fame procels is repeated: the tickets are multiplied, and the price rifes; while the bulk of the nation, who have neither government tickets nor produce, are crushed between the two. Mr. Robfon expreffed his difapprobation of the addrefs now moved for by the noble baronet, because it did not hold out to the public the true and deplorable state of the country, and the real caufe of the dearness of corn; and, what was nearly as bad, at leaft to the middling rank of the people, the dearnels of every necellary of life. In the courfe of the three or four laft months he had had occafion to pafs

through most of the principal counties in England; when he had the pleafure to fee plentiful crops, for the most part well got in, and at a fmall expenfe. In the month of Auguft, and part of September, every body congratulated him, faying, Now, fir, we must have bread cheap! The fineft oats, now about 50s. were fold at Huntingdon, the laft week in Auguft, at 24s. Mr. Robfon here ftated three facts, which prove how ticklish a thing it is to agitate the public mind. A fhort time afterwards (after the laft week of Augeft) a report appeared in the public newfpapers by the board of agriculture: in which it was stated, that in the crop of the current year there had been a very confiderable deficiency. Corn immediately began to rife. The people on this became diflatisfied. Tumultuous meetings and mobs feizing the corn, grew into riots. A proclamation of government, in which a fearcity of grain was still more explicitly afferted than in the board of agriculture's proclamation, and very juftly fhewing the mifchievous folly of riots, infead of appeafing the people, had a contrary effect: for they confidered it as a measure intended not to produce precaution and prudent economy, but merely to encourage and protect farmers, whofe interests were the fame with thofe of the landlords and monopolizers.* On the back of that proclamation came a letter, announcing fcarcity more forcibly ftill, from the duke of Portland, and very juftly alfo reprobating and

It is a remarkable and important truth, that if the conduct of government, or men of rank and power, admit of two interpretations, the people is always fure to adopt that which is the least generous or just on the part of their superiors.

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* In confequence of riots having broken out in Nottinghamshire and Oxfordshire, the duke of Portland, as fecretary of fare for the home department, wrote two official letters: the first, dated Whitehall, Sept. 20, 1800, and addressed to the town clerk of Nottingham: the fecond, dated Whitehall, September 29, 1800, and addressed to his grace (the duke of Marlborough) the lord-lieutenant of the county of Oxford. It was to the fecond of thefe that allufion was made by Mr. Robíon, and other speakers, on the prosent subject. In that letter, the fecretary of state, reprefented to the lord lieutenant, that from the best information that could be obtained of the state of this year's crop throughout the kingdom, it appeared that the produce of it, according to the most fanguine eftimation, was not likely to amount to more than three fourths of an average crop; and that it was thought by many, that it would not exceed three fifths. But, be the amount what it might, it was, he heard, but too well afcertained, that the whole produce of the grain, in the best of years, was not equal to the annual confumption of the country. He folicited the exertion of the lord-lieutenant's great influence and authority to combat and counteract the prejudices which had operated no lefs powerfully than unfortunately in difpofing a very large portion of the community to believe, that the late fcarcity was artificial, and had been owing to the views and fpeculations of certain interested and rapacious men, who took advantage of the difficulties and diftreffes of the times, to enrich themselves at the expence of the public. It was too evident, that it had become indifpenfably neceffary, without lofs of time, to counteract and expofe the folly and injuftice of affuming a right to fet prices on commodities brought to market, of fixing a maximum for the articles of daily confumption, of entering into affociations (which was much the fame thing) not to give more than a certain price for any of thofe articles; of obliging the growers of corn, or dealers in other articles of provision, to fell at a given price, and, what was worst of all, going in bands, to the houfes of farmers, and forcing them by threats and various other modes of intimidation, to enter into engagements to bring and difpofe of their commodities at a given price: a proceeding which he could not advert to, without urging his grace to profecute, without distinction, all perfons conc、rned in it, in the most vigorous exemplary, and impreffive manner, which the power military as well as civil under his command, should moft fpeedily and effectually enable him to do. If any thing could contribute to realize the abfurd notion of corn being deftroyed for the purpose of keeping up the price of it, that would be more likely to effect it than any other mode that could be adopted, as the life of a perfon poffeffed of corn, or any other article of provision, is rendered no lefs infecure than his property; and it would conftantly tend, as all acts of violence do, to the concealment much more than the production of the commodity: the confequence of whitch must be obvious, in the injury refulting to landed property, by difcouraging tillage and every fort of agriculture, and by locking up, or diverting into another channel, that capital which is perhaps more beneficially employed in the improvement of land than in any other mode. It woul fo impede and obftruct the great. fource and means of the daily fupplies of the country, that famine would foon be fubftituted in the place of fcarcity, and that diftrefs and confufion would foon enfue, which would debilitate its inhabitants, and enervate all its powers, more fatally than any cala. mity with which it had been visited for centuries, or than is to be met with in the annals of history. If the employment of property was not fecure: if every man did not feel that he had power to retain what he poffeffed, as long as he pleafed, and difpofe of it at the time, in the manner and at the price he chofe to fix upon it, there must be an end of confidence, of industry, and of all valuable and virtuous exertion. The intereft of the people, as well as the law, required, that the markets fhould be free and open,

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