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ing the products of their toil, must be added a contempt for their sensibilities which "the Government " has never shown towards any other people.

Not only

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did it for a number of years after the war force on these people so-called State officials, as Governors, Judges, legislators, etc., whom the people had no voice in choosing; but it sent objectionable strangers or appointed objectionable natives to represent "the Government as Commissioners, Collectors of Customs, Marshals, Postmasters, Revenue Officers, etc. This last offense has been kept up till now, and, in spite of remonstrances and protests, it will likely continue, while to no other people on the globe is any disagreeable person-persona non grata-sent as a representative of the Government. Friendly courtesy is shown to foreign States only.

Nothing of the sort was ever heard of till "the Government" fell into the hands of the North. Even Mr. Lincoln, while announcing his purpose to "hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts,' declared that there would be "no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.

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But perhaps all these wrongs and their immediate results may be less disastrous to our ultimate welfare than the vicious doctrines which, during the war and the "Reconstruction" period, gained an undisputed footing in the Northern States. The Union of the Constitution was destroyed, and what Senator Wade called "a miserable despotism" was erected on its ruins; "the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the night of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively," was no longer was no longer "essential," as Mr.

1 See Note Aa.

Lincoln's platform declared it to be, "to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends"; and the men who had fought in the armies of the North were told, as General Grant told a reunion of the Army of the Tennessee at Des Moines, Ia., in September, 1875, that the trials and hardships of the war were "imposed for the preservation and perpetuation of our free institutions"!

NOTE X.

· The prevalent belief of the Southern people that the abolitionists and the free-soilers of the Northern States were in sympathy with John Brown's invasion of Virginia and his attempt to excite an insurrection of the slaves, was met by a vigorous denial all over the North. But how far this denial was based on the truth may be inferred from the following scene in the office of Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts: In the summer of 1862, after Andrew had received some assurances that Mr. Lincoln would likely yield to New England's demand that he interfere in some way with slavery in the South, "a young merchant of Boston," who had been selected by Andrew to go on a mission to Washington, joined the Governor in his office in singing "Coronation," "Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," and "then," he said, "I sang ́ Old John Brown,' he (Andrew) marching around the room and joining in the chorus after each verse."-Memoirs of John A. Andrew, page 37.

NOTE Y.

The substitution of the words "the Government" for those of the Constitution-"the United States"-which was done in 1861, for ob vious reasons, has served the purpose of falsifying in the public mind the real motives for the inauguration of the war; and this substitution has been kept up ever since for reasons equally discreditable.

A few examples will not be uninteresting:

1. In the Constitution "treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them," etc.; but now the only treason known in the Union is against "the Government.

2. In the Constitution the President is empowered to grant par dons for "offences against the United States"; but now he pardons for offences "against the Government.”

3. In the Constitution the Congress is empowered "to borrow money on the credit of the United States"; but now it borrows on the credit of "the Government."

4. In the Constitution we find "the securities and current coin of the United States"; but now we hear only of "Government" securi ties, etc.

5. In the Constitution reference is made to persons "employed in the service of the United States"; but now they are all in the employment of "the Government.'

6. In the Constitution reference is made to the debts, obligations, etc., "of the United States"; but ncw they are debts and obliga tions "of the Government."

7. In the Constitution there are "officers of the United States"; but now they are "officers of the Government."

8. In the Constitution reference is made "to controversies to which the United States shall be a party"; but now "the Government" is a party to suits.

9. In the Constitution provision is made for the disposal of “the territory or other property belonging to the United States"; but now we hear of "Government" property, or "property belonging to the Government."

10. In the Constitution we read of things done or to be done "under the authority of the United States"; but now they are done "under the authority of the Government."

The undoubted purpose of this vicious substitution was to create in the minds of the people in these States and in Europe the impression that the Government of the United States is over the States, they bearing a subordinate relation to it; that "the Government" is sovereign, and the States, for all practical purposes, mere provin ces; and that, therefore, the Government" possessed the right to subjugate the seceded States.

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This perversion of the truth was carried over and presented to the Tribunal of Arbitration which met in Geneva in 1871-'72 to settle the "Alabama Claims"; but the fear that it could not be imposed on the arbitrators, led to a supplementary falsehood, the peculiar nature of which, it was thought, would have the desired influence on them. It was a misrepresentation, by garbled extracts, of the reasons proclaimed by the seceding States for their action.

It is the case of the United States' prepared, presumably, by the ablest lawyers to be found; and is Senate Executive Document No. 31, Second Session, Forty second Congress.

It begins with an untruth, namely, " In 1861 the United States had been an independent Nation for a period of eighty-four years and acknowledged as such by Great Britain for a period of seventyseven years.' There are in fact two untruths; both assertions are utterly inconsistent with the facts set forth in the Treaty of Peace and with the known relations of the States in 1783.

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The first article in the treaty is:

"His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be free, sovereign and independent States; that he treats with them as such," etc.-See Laws of the State of North Carolina, page 559.

The language of the treaty is in perfect accord with the second article of the Articles of Confederation, wherein each State was recognized as sovereign, free, and independent. Nor is there a syllable in the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, or in the Constitution indicating that the people of the several States ever intended to consolidate themselves into a "nation," or ever did in fact do so.

But, supposing that this untruth would be accepted as a fundamental fact, the "case" proceeds to lay down another. It is:

"On the 6th day of November, in that year, the jurisdiction of the Government of the United States extended unquestioned over eighteen States from which African slavery was excluded; over fifteen States in which it was established by law; and over a vast territory in which, under the then prevailing laws, persons with African blood in their veins could be held as slaves.

"This large unsettled or partially settled territory, as it might become peopled, was also liable to be divided into new States, which, as they entered into the Union, might, as the law then stood, become slave States, thus giving the advocates of slavery an increased strength in the Congress of the Nation, and more especially in the Senate, and a more absolute control of the National Government." Here we have the language of imperialism: the "jurisdiction of the Government" extending "over" the States and the territory indiscriminately; "the Congress of the Nation"; and "the National Government”—all in a grave diplomatic paper presented to a body of arbitrators who were supposed to be unfamiliar with the history and the principles of our Federal Union.

* * *

The supplementary falsehood, its foundations laid in the last clause quoted above, reaches its full proportions in the following condensed extracts: "The general election resulted in the choice of Abraham Lincoln. The party which elected him was pledged in advance to 'maintain that the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom,' and to deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States.'

"This decision

* * *

* * *

was resisted by some of the inhabitants of the States where slavery prevailed. The people of South Caro

lina * * * commenced the hostile movement. In the following month they proclaimed, through a State Convention, their purpose to secede from the Union, because the party about to come into power had 'announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory.' The State of Alabama followed,

* * *

* * * giving as their reason that the election of Mr. Lincoln 'by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions (i. e., slavery) of Alabama,' was 'a political wrong of an insulting and menacing character.'

"The State of Georgia followed, etc., etc.

"On the 4th of February, 1861, representatives from some of the States which had attempted to go through the form of secession * * * met at Montgomery, in the State of Alabama, for the purpose of organizing a provisional Government, and having done so, elected Mr. Jefferson Davis as the provisional President, etc. In accepting the office, on the 18th of February, Mr. Jefferson Davis said: 'We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled' (i. e., the right to extend the domains of slavery). * * Having thus formally declared that the contemplated limitation of the territory within which negro slavery should be tolerated was the sole cause of the projected separation," etc., etc.

2

*

Such was the "case of the United States," prepared under the supervision of the Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, and presented to the Tribunal of Arbitration, which, basing the justice of its decision on representations in it, awarded damages to the United States in the sum of about fifteen million dollars.

It totally reversed the Constitutional relations of the States to each other and to the Government which they had created, and, by garbling extracts from the proceedings of Southern Conventions and from Mr. Davis's address, which, in brackets it falsely interpreted, it was a "case” which had really nothing to support it.

The truth is carefully concealed here. South Carolina's reason for secession was that thirteen Northern States had repudiated one of the covenants of the Constitution, and two Northern States had repudiated another of the covenants. But truth did not suit the purpose of the writer.

2 Mr. Davis said: "Through many years of controversy with our late associates of the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation," etc. Would separation secure "the right to extend the domains of slavery"?

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