superiority to our emancipation policy held at the Westminster Palace Hotel, of thirty years ago by deciding to make on May 17th last, under the presidency freedom immediate, and not gradual, of His Grace the Duke of Argyll. wherever the Federal power extends. This Appeal is most timely and imporIn this, as in other matters, they have tant. The National Committee has given proof of their ability to profit been formed not in any way to superby the lessons of history. "General sede or to interfere with the full and Howard," says the telegram, "has in- free exercise of existing societies; but structed his subordinates throughout in order to register and report the the South that no apprenticeship system operations of the Freed-men's Aid or other substitute for slavery will be Societies formed or hereafter to be tolerated." Thus, the manumitted formed in Great Britain. This, indeed, bondsmen of the South escape one grave is its principal function. In addition danger. They are free-men in a real to this, it hopes to be able so to comand genuine sense. Their enfranchise- bine the sympathies of our countrymen ment is not a mere sentiment; it is a in general with the views and feelings fact. It now remains for the friends of of those already interested in the cause this newly exalted race, in both the old of the Freed-man, as to impart a world and the new, to assist them by national character to the entire work. every means in their power during their Its other objects, though very importprogress through a transitional state. ant, are subsidiary to these. It is not If the sentiment which Terence puts in the intention of its founders to form a the mouth of one of his characters-"I new society, nor to divert the funds of am a man and cannot help feeling any existing societies into a new treasury. sorrow that afflicts mankind"-could Its first idea was not to receive contriexcite the universal enthusiasm of a butions at all; but, following the model Roman audience, how much more is it of a somewhat similar organization in incumbent upon a Christian people to the United States of America, to influrespond to the appeal which comes to ence and advise, and nothing more. them from four millions of the lowliest It is obvious, however, that for the and most suffering of God's children most inexpensive oaganization some who have only just emerged from the funds must be required. The National house of bondage? The memory of Committee will, without doubt, have the First of August, 1834, inspires us with the hope that now, as then, England will be foremost in the work of duty, and the last to desert the cause she has once loyally espoused. such needed funds placed in the hands of its treasurers. Should a surplus exist, most certainly that surplus will be wisely appropriated. Lest, however, the friends of the cause should suppose that a new society has been NATIONAL COMMITTEE. formed, we have deemed it necessary We invite attention to an Appeal to inform them that such is not the about to be issued by the National case. There appears at present to be Committee inaugurated at a meeting no tendency for the various societies to Slavery; the suddenness of the present transition; the violent process by which the fetters were snapped; the impoverishment of former employers; the passions incident to defeat; and the interests that are still adverse to emancipation, place that people, as a whole in a position of absolute helplessness, beset with immense perils;—their very freedom a powerful temptation to idleness, disaffection, and violence. Children without recognised parents; mothers and fathers without the ties of marriage; the diseased, the maimed, and the aged, unlettered, untrained to habits of self-support;-what a field for philanthropy! -what a demand upon the prompt and effi. cient help of all that acknowledge their duty "to do to others as they would have others do to them!" Food, clothing, shelter, medicine, education, implements of industry, and patient training in the useful arts, are the obvious want of a people so circumstanced, and such help, for a time, must come, and come abundantly, from external sources. unite. The Freed-men's Aid Society- The degrading influence of two centuries of the oldest society in Great Britain proposed such a union with the Friends' Central Committee,— a unification of officers, of committee, and operations. Sir T. F. Buxton, the President of the Freed-men's Aid Society, was quite in favour of such a union; but, after careful conference, the proposal was declined. That committee felt that it had a circle in which it could work, at least for the present, best alone. The Freed-men's Aid Society, which has formed nearly twenty auxiliaries in various parts of the country—the Friends' Central Committee-and the Midland Freed-men's Aid Society, with its head quarters at Birmingham-will thus continue to labour in their several spheres for the great and urgent work in which all are at present heartily engaged. The following is the address of the National Committee, to which we invite special attention. And on whom rests the obligation to supply this indispensable temporary aid? It is freely admitted that the Government and people of America are bound to do what they can to meet this great and sudden necessity. And let it not be forgotten that the American Go An Appeal to the people of England, from the vernment by the supply of rations; and the National Committee of the British Freed-people, by the formation of several very effi. Men's Relief Associations. cient Freed-Men's Aid Associations, and individual sacrifices of the highest order, all freely and efficiently rendered amidst the pressure of a gigantic war, and the anxieties of its sudden collapse, have clearly acknowledged their full share of obligation in this work of humanity. Respected Fellow-Countrymen--The freedom But it is one thing to deliver a vast community from bondage, and another to fit them for the duties and privileges of freedom. The first step does not necessarily involve the second, which is the great problem remaining to be solved. Self-adjustment to the duties and privileges of their new position; independently of friendly guidance and special help from without, is an absolute impossibility. But does this duty rest upon America alone? may not be deemed expedient for the British Government to intermeddle. But we, the people of England, are bound to aid this enterprise by our duty to the negro, to ourselves, to America, and to the world at large. Whoever may be to blame for the recent war, and its disastrous effects, the negro is. innocent. He neither originated the strife nor took advantage of the opportunity it gave him of inflicting revenge for past wrongs; and by his patience under injury, and readi ness to respond to calls of justly requited labour, has won for himself a fair title to the sympathy, respect and assistance of the civi. lized world. By our own past conduct to the negro race, we have placed ourselves under special obligation to come forward and help them freely in their present exigency. Whether the first cargo of slaves was conveyed to North America by the English or the Dutch, it is undeniable that we at a very early stage participated in this nefarious traffic; and we, as a nation, have largely shared in the profits of this cruel and unrighteous toil. Our entreaties, reproofs, deputations, and example, helped to stimulate the Anti-Slavery action of the Free States; and we, by our past sacrifices, and persistent Anti-Slavery policy, have earned the reputation, and incurred the responsibility of the special friends of the African race. Nor can it be denied that we have a debt to discharge to the American people. To say nothing of our common origin, and the many ties of kinship that bind us together, no true Englishmen can ever forget their generous action towards us in the Irish Famine of 1847. and in the more recent distress of Lancashire. The aggregate assistance thus spontaneously rendered by America to England in the time of our need is estimated at not less than £250,000. Then let us not overlook the bearing of this good work, on the general interests of the world. Let the African race in America be well cared for, and duly raised to the full dignity of citizenship, and many of them, of their own accord, will prove the best pioneers in the future civilization of the Continent from which, in the days of the Slave-trade, they were so cruelly torn. And by our gene. rous aid to America, in the present circumstances, we may help to lay the foundations of a friendship which no future mistakes will be able to shake; and cement an alliance which will be of the greatest advantage, not only to the two nations themselves, but to the freedom, peace, and prosperity of mankind. our land, and have unitedly contributed, in cash and goods, at least £40,000. But what is this gift among so many? and what proportion does it bear to the power, ability, obligations, and philanthropy of Old England? Impressed with the conviction that this work should be conducted on a different scale, and become a fair expression of the national character on such a question; it has been agreed, after a special Conference of Delegates of different District Associations, at a Public Meeting under the presidency of His Grace the Duke of Argyll, to form a Central Board, bearing the name of the "National Committee of the British Freed-Men's Aid Associations." While this "National Committee" leaves to each Association to raise and remit contributions as may be deemed in each case most appropriate; it will endeavour to gather up and report, from time to time, the progress of this work at home and abroad; to advise local Committees on questions that may arise; to assist in forming additional Auxiliaries; to direct the visits of Deputations; to receive and appropriate contributions entrusted to it; to give the necessary testimonials and introduction to any duly authorised advocates from abroad; to obtain and publish reports of contributions obtained by such visitors; and to take such further action as may be deemed advisable, so as to make this effort truly national, and really worthy of the British name. Such then, fellow-countrymen, is the important work to which, in the providence of God, we, as a people, are clearly called,such the reasons for our action,-such the outline of the scheme by which it is proposed to carry it into effect. FREED-MEN'S AID SOCIETY. President-Sir T. FOWELL BUXTON, Bart., M.P. SPECIAL APPEAL. AMERICA in 1846 assisted us when famine desolated Ireland, again in 186263, when the Slave-owners War caused a famine of cotton in Lancashire. In Happily for our credit as a nation, we have not to appeal for the first English contribution to the proposed object. Already several the first instance she sent to the value Freed-Men's Aid Associations are at work in of £200,000, and in the latter £70,000 Bremen, July 18th, 1865. Rev. Crammond Kennedy, Sir, The British people have now an oppor- We had the pleasure to receive your esteemed favour of the 15th instant, and we beg to express to you that we heartily sympathise with the work your Association is engaged in. If we did not offer you a free passage in the "America," 16th proximo, on receipt of your Money contributions continue to be received by Samuel Gurney, Esq., M.P., Treasurer, 65, Lombard Street, London, E.C.; by William Allen, Esq., SubTreasurer, North Villa, Winchmore Hill, London, N.; by Dr. Fred. Tomkins, Secretary, 3, Tanfield Court, Inner Temple, London, E.C.; and by Messrs. Barclay, Bevan & Co., Bankers, 54, Lombard Street, London, E.C. Contributions of goods are kindly received and forwarded free of duty and charge by Mhssrs. Johnson, Johnson & Co., Tea Merchants, 17, Blomfield Street, Finsbury, E.C. HELP FROM GERMANY. THE Norddeutscher Lloyd's has given the Rev. C. Kennedy a free passage on his return to the United States. The Hon. C. C. Leigh is about to proceed to Germany to urge the cause of the Freed-man. letter to Captain Wenke, it was owing to the circumstance of nearly all berths having already been bespoken, and we were acting under the impression of not being able to answer to our shareholders, under the circumstances- to enclose, as a token of our sympathy, a ticket Your obedient servants, THE MANAGERS OF THE NORTH London Office of the National Freed-Men's Relief Association To the Managers of Gentlemen, Accept my hearty thanks on behalf of this Association, and the millions whom it aims to emancipate from the effects of the most debasing servitude, for your generous grant of a free passage, and especially for your expressions of sympathy in our most Christian enterprise. Having been a Chaplain during two of the severest campaigns of the recent tremendous war, I have witnessed many striking proofs of the exalted devotion of the German citizens of the Republic to her laws, her life, and her redemption from the sin, the shame, and the curse of slavery. It is, therefore, unspeak ably gratifying to me to find in the fatherland of these heroes, many of whom have died for the perpetuation of popular govern ment, and the extension of freedom, a desire to lend the country of their adoption a helping hand in her noble and arduous work of relieving and elevating the enfranchised race. A revolution in the vital conditions and prospects of such a multitude—a social revolution, begun in an unparalleled conflict, and progressing in the midst of consequent disruptions, civil and industrial, must have time, and should be aided to the utmost by the organized philanthropy of Christendom. Science is rapidly overcoming the physical diffi. culties of international communication (behold your own steamships); but it is the heavenly mission of UNION in such an enterprise as ours, to foster in the leading nations the respect and good-will in which the peace of the world, and the progress of civilization, are so vitally involved. England and France are already astir. Germany, I hope, will soon be animated by the same generous enthu siasm. Norfolk, Va., March 18, 1865. My dear Miss Perhaps you are accustomed to receive letters from persons you have never seen, and will not be utterly astonished when you find a strange locality mentioned in this letter, and a strange name also. I trust the enclosed letter of your father's, with a few additions in regard to my own personal history, will satisfy your very natural curiosity, and be the means of establishing an agreeable acquaintance between an English and an American girl. Surely we should be friends if not relations; for is not your noble country the mother of my own? With this common tie between us, and the fact of a delightful acquaintance with your good father, I hope you will receive this friendly letter as gladly as I write it. Your father and I have met under strange circumstances. He, in his love and benevolence towards a poor down-trodden race, came to this country to lend an Englishman's hearty aid to them in their great need; and Norfolk, With sentiments of the highest obligation Virginia, being one centre of the Freed-men's and esteem, I am, Gentlemen, Yours, most respectfully, Correspondence. interests, he came here, making on his way the acquaintance of a dear brother of minə engaged in this same work as an officer of the army. Coming here after seeing him he took notice of me, and this, added to the rather strange coincidence of my looking like you, awoke a natural interest. You will not dislike to hear that I was very much delighted with THE following letter was not intended for him, and shall not forget his pleasant face publication, but will, it is believed, well repay and intelligent conversation. He did a great perusal. It accurately describes the kind of deal of good by talking to these ignorant work now being carried on, not only at Nor- people, whom I am here to help upwards in folk, but at Alexandria, Richmond, and other my humble way. In their own language, places in Virginia. In the Teachers' "Home" they heard "right earnest talk." Having in in Norfolk, formerly the residence of the noto- my school two interesting little girls, twins, rious Capt. Semmes, of the Alabama, twelve and once slaves, and intending to have their young ladies from the Northern States find a pictures taken, it occurred to me to send one dwelling-place whilst pursuing their laudable to you in case of success. My asking your avocation of teaching the freed Negroes. Miss father for your address was the cause of this A., the daughter of a clergyman, is a teacher letter. Various hindrances have prevented in connexion with the National Freed-men's my getting them as soon as expected; and Relief Association, represented in this country not liking to keep the enclosed letter longer, by the Hon. C. C. Leigh. Col. A., her brother, I shall take pleasure in forwarding the little a noble and gallant officer, was in command picture another time. of a Negro regiment in the army of the James at the time the letter was written. Happily, we believe, he survives the war. A few of the promised words about myself: I am the daughter of a missionary, the Rev. Dr. A........., who went to the Sandwich |