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things, and still more so for the views and purposes of usefulness which the contemplation of that state of things had forced upon the Society. Its very title, which had been unconsciously adopted by it from its prototypes in the United States, was seen to mean more than the founders of the Society themselves had supposed. It contained an implied promise of aid, not to the Freed-men of one particular country, but to all Freed-men, according as justice should dictate, and the means at command should allow. The claim of aid from British Freed-men in Jamaica had already arisen and was sounding loud in men's ears. But when that had passed away, other claims might arise on behalf of other classes of Freed-men in our own colonies or in foreign countries, quite as fit to engage the sympathies of the Society and to demand its aid. With this view, at the meeting of the Society's Committee to consider the proposed scheme of union, amendments were successively brought forward, differing only in the greater or less prominence which they assigned to what may be called the general claim of the Freed-man as compared with the special claim of the American Freed-man; and one of these, which made it simply optional to the Union to extend its operations to other Freed-men besides those of the United States, was adopted. On this amendment being brought forward, as that of the Freed-Men's Aid Society of London, (one or two of its members indeed dissenting) at the conference of the three associations held at the Friends' Institute on Dec. 22nd, it met with such opposition on the part of the members of the two other bodies as leaves apparently little present hope of the proposed scheme of union being realized, at all events otherwise than in name. It will visibly prove impossible for those who have once felt that as professed friends of the Freed-men their first duty is to British Freed-men, their next only to foreign, and that the latter duty cannot be limited to the Freed-men of one particular foreign country, to take part in the proceedings of a Society which, under the title of aiding Freed-men, deliberately ignores all claims but those of American Freed-men. Such men will do so without bating one jot or tittle of their sympathy for the American Freed-men as such, or their hearty admiration of the efforts of the American Freed-men's Aid Societies. So far from expecting to forfeit the approval of the latter by the course which they have advocated, they will confidently reckon upon such approval. They believe it will appear as strange to our American friends that English Freed-men's Aid Societies should deliberately ignore the claims of English Freed-men as it would appear strange to ourselves if an American Freed-men's Aid Society were to ignore all claims of the Freed-men of the Southern States in order to bestow all its efforts upon those of Jamaica. They know that in fact the course which they have advocated only follows the example set by that American body which has been worthily represented in this country by the Rev. Sella Martin, whose benevolent exertions were long confined to British colonies, but which on the arising of the larger necessities of the Secession War, deemed it no breach of faith towards its subscribers or towards

the public, but a simple act of duty, to transfer its main sphere of action to the United States themselves. And as those necessities pass away, they confidently hope that the day may come when the Freed-men's Aid Societies of England and of America shall join in fulfilling to the utmost the whole promise of their names by giving aid, as need shall require, to the physical and moral wants of coloured Freed-men throughout the world.

The conflict of opinion which has thus arisen is the more to be deplored, that among those who at the Friends' Institute opposed the enlarging the operations of the English Freed-men's Aid Associations to the full breadth of their name, there was not one who did not profess the utmost sympathy for the Freed-men of Jamaica, whilst urging the throwing upon some distinct body the burthen of looking after them. A scheme of union between existing associations was thus to become the occasion for creating new ones within the actual scope of the title of the union itself.

It is impossible of course to question the sincerity of the views adopted by either side in this debate. But the course of those who hold the larger view as to the duties of the friends of Freed-men seems clear. As there is a British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, which has done yeoman's service towards putting down slavery throughout the world, beginning with the British colonies, so there needs to be a "British and Foreign Freed-men's Aid Society," to foster, strengthen, and develope the young freedom of the coloured race throughout the world, beginning with the British colonies. The task is gigantic, and yet it is one which of right belongs to England, the mother of Freedom. The task is gigantic, the means for fulfilling it are as naught. But sooner or later, God's burthens find shoulders to bear them.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

hoped that two objects might be accomplished by the dismemberment of the Union. The power of Columbia was to be so limited that it would be no longer a menace to our possessions in British

WE are again reluctantly compelled to defer until next month the insertion of several letters and articles of importance. OUR correspondent at Glasgow will see that the "Freed-Man" may be had of George North America: and again, it was Gallie, 99, Buchanan Street.

thought that the wicked idea of establishing a permanent nation with slavery

ALL orders and enquiries concerning Adver-lishing tisements, or other business connected with

this Magazine, are to be addressed to ARLISS ANDREWS, 7, Duko Street, Blooms bury.

L. C., SURBITON. Your suggestion is admirable. We trust many more will follow your example, and the "Freed-Man" will not then want for support.

The Freed-Man.

JANUARY, 1866.

THE CONGREGATIONAL UNION
OF ENGLAND AND WALES

for a corner stone could never be realized. Such an effort was regarded by some as the very doom of the cruel system. There were not lacking Englishmen, strange and incredible as it may seem, who had commercial relations with the confederacy. Now, we rejoice to announce that the Congregational Union has vindicated itself. The cause of the Freed-man is under great obligations to the Chairman of the Union, the Rev. D. Thomas, of Bristol, to the Rev. Dr. Raleigh and to the Rev. Thomas Binney. The last gentleman had been too long silent, and his advocacy was sadly needed. All who know Mr. Binney know that he has ever been a staunch antislavery man; but a variety of influences tended to silenced him when the utterances that his loving heart and his noble intellect ever prompted would have been an unspeakable benefit to the cause

AND THE FREED-MEN. WK record with feelings of unspeakable satisfaction the fact that the Con. gregational Union has assumed its true position in regard to the Freed-men of America. During the long and lamentable years of the American war, all discussions on the question of slavery were prohibited, and the usual protests of this reverend body against slavery of Freedom. The meetings, however, were silenced. It is our deliberate of the Congregational Union, which we conviction that this course of apparently were unable for want of space to mention heartless apathy never met the approval in our last, were of a character so deof the members of the Union. Many monstrative and hearty in the cause of persons in this country were indeed hor- the Freed-man, that it would be ungeror-stricken at the terrible effusion of nerous not to condone the past. Some blood, and would have put an end to the wise and good men intimately connected carnage at any price. Though we think with the Union, admit that they have such persons were mistaken, we cannot learned a lesson, and we will not condemn their motive. Some looked with allow ourselves to doubt that they a jealousy upon the ever increasing will be found a firm phalanx on the growth of the United States, and foolishly side of freedom in the discussions

in relation to the coloured and black interest in the well-being of the United States race that await us in the future. The of America. We are confident that no argu. ment is needed to induce your compliance with this request, and in the earnest hope that you may find it convenient to make the proposed Collection in common with our churches in this land, on the day already mentioned, we remain, dear Brethren, yours faithfully,

following notice has been issued to the pastors and deacons of two thousand churches:

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4, Blomfield-street, Finsbury, E.C.
December 12, 1865.

Dear Brethren,

to.

G. SMITH,
R. ASHTON,

Secretaries.

We earnestly hope that this kindly

We are instructed by the Committee of the Union to invite your attention to the following Resolution in relation to the temporal relief and religious instruction of the Freed Colored appeal may be universally responded People of America, adopted by the Autumnal Assembly, in Bristol, in October last, and to entreat you to arrange if possible for a Congregational collection in aid of this great object on the second Lord's-day in January:

"That it be a recommendation to the Churches of the Congregational Denomi. nation generally, to make a collection for this object on the second Sunday in January, and that the amount collected

be sent to the Chairman of the Union for the present year, the Rev. David Thomas,

We cannot close these remarks without one word addressed to the members of the Congregational Union itself. How has it come to pass that this wise and Christian body, has by its reticence given rise to so much dissatisfaction and pain in relation to the American question in the past. There are two reasons

reasons which, unless remedied, B.A., (Cotham Park, Bristol), or the may not only imperil but ultimately Secretary, the Rev. George Smith, D.D., destroy the Union. The first is that (Congregational Library, Blomfield Street, the Union as at present constituted does Finsbury, E.C.), to be transmitted to the not admit of discussion, and the second selected Organ of the Council of the Con- reason the entire absence of party. Lord gregational Churches in America." Bolingbroke says that without party In forwarding this Resolution we beg to re- there can be no free government. The mind you of the importance and urgency of this case-temporal and spiritual-referring House of Commons would not have as it does to the condition of millions of persons lasted from the time of the Plantaganets recently emancipated from slavery, many of to the present hour, growing at every whom need food and clothing, religious in-stage of its existence in its influence, if struction and the means of Christian worship. it had silenced discussion, and if the Our Brethren and Churches of the Congre- government had not been criticised in gational order in America hitherto shut out by its every movement by a keen-sighted

the institution of slavery from any systematic effort for evangelizing the Southern States, are opposition. More than twenty years now, in consequence of its abolition and the ago, the late Algernon Wells, who termination of war, happily able to undertake may be regarded as the Father of the this work, and especially to direct their atten- Congregational Union, expressed his tion to the religious improvement and social fears upon this elevation of the coloured people of the South. very point, in reAny aid we can afford will be thankfully relation to the great body that he was ceived by them as a proof of sympathy in their mainly instrumental in calling into exgreat work, and as an evidence of our Christian istence. These remarks however must

not be construed as censuring, not to say of those who were once enslaved-of condemning, the present executive of the those millions of men and women from Union, which is composed of as good and whom a gracious providence has cast honourable men as that body may ever off the chains of bondage-must be rehope to secure; but as the defects inci- garded with new and wider aims than dent to its constitution. Without dis- the friends of these oppressed races cussion and without a party to keep in have hitherto contemplated. The chains check the executive, any executive may imperil the moral influence of a large christian denomination, and stand as a huge impediment in the path of freedom.

WORK FOR THE FUTURE. At a recent Meeting of the Committee of the Freed-Men's Aid Society, London, it was unanimously decided that the basis of that society was broad enough to sustain the claims of the coloured race of any and of every clime. In accordance with this decision, the committees most cordially united with the deputation appointed to wait upon Earl Russell and Mr. Cardwell by the Anti-Slavery Society, in relation to the late tragic events in Jamaica. The Freed-Men's Aid Society was glad to embrace a legitimate opportunity to co-operate with the Anti-Slavery Society and also to stand by its excellent and devoted Secretary, Mr. Chamerovzow. Now, it is of importance to call the attention of our readers to the fact, that the Freed-Men's Aid Society of London by its constitution can embrace the emancipated negro in every land, and the coloured man of every clime. Its sphere ought not to be narrowed. The time indeed seems to have arrived when this fact must be more fully recognised, for manifestly the "Negro question" is passing into a new stage, or, to speak more accurately, the claims

which still clank like dull castanets on the limbs of the unenfranchised of our world will soon be unrivetted and torn asunder. What then is the work for England, the very cynosure of freedom, to be in the future? Is she to relax her efforts when the present urgent wants of the Freed-men of the United States are relieved? Is she to limit her philanthropy to the coloured men of that great nation, which has resolved to put forth its own best efforts on behalf of its newly-born four millions of citizens? Is she not to care for her own coloured citizens in every part of the world? Is she not, moreover to elevate her aims and to labour more decidedly than she ever has yet for the social, the moral, and religious culture of this freed race? It is obvious that there are only two courses open to us. We may treat or we may allow others to treat the emancipated races as inferior and degraded-the very Helots of humanity; or we may resolve to make a strenuous well-directed and prolonged effort for the mental and moral growth of this increasing family among nations. We maintain that the vitality of the negro race is so vigorous that you cannot destroy it. For good or for evil this people must exist. Who would wish to destroy the race? No man with a human heart-or who knows the sweets of "dear life”

no real disciple of that Incarnate one

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