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Printed by Arliss ANDREW3, of No. 7, Duke Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., in the Parish of St.

George, Bloomsbury, in the County of Middlesex,




It is proposed in this article briefly to consider the past and present in relation to the progress of Freedom and the condition of the emancipated people in the United States, and in our own colony of Jamaica.

About ninety years ago, a section of the Anglo-Saxon race, inhabiting the North American shores, declared their independence of the old country, and established a republic on the principle of the equality of all men before God, and “their inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." That republic, known as the United States, has been wonderfully successful in her prosperity, in the growth and settlement of her population, and in the development of a marvellous national power. Whether her position be considered in a commercial, political, educational or military point of view, she occupies an eminence unsurpassed, and in some respects unequalled. Her freeschool system has furnished an educated and intelligent native population; her form of government admitted of the freest representation, needed the lightest taxation, and imposed no restraint upon the conscientious belief of the people. Indeed, the vastness of her territories, the freedom of her laws, the competence and number of her population, and their spirit of enterprize and progress, commanded the respect of the civilized world. Yet, notwithstanding her high position and undoubted greatness, there existed in her midst an established wrong, the growth of centuries, known as American slavery, an institution planted by the mother country early in the time of her colonial dependence. This social, moral and political curse was tolerated for the sake of peace, and it was hoped, that, inasmuch as it was confined, organically, to that portion called the slave states, the competition, energy, teaching and example of the free states would in the course of time undermine and finally destroy it. Years of such association and influence demonstrated the futility of non-intervention with an internal and monstrous wrong, for instead of diminishing, it had accumulated force by duration, had inoculated society with its poison, and obtained a firm hold of the political power of the republic.

The progress of the slave power had been so sure, and its usurpation of power so daring, that in 1860 Jefferson Davis, on behalf of three hundred thousand slaveholders, demanded that the constitution should declare that all men were not equal before God; that all men had not inalienable rights to life, to liberty and the pursuit of happiness, for he placed on the record the following as the ultimatum of the slave power. That the constitution should be made to declare the legal right of the slave

holder to hold, use, exchange and sell his labourer, the same as any other

kind of property. That he should take this property into any state or territory of the Union, the

same as any other property. That no FREE state should be permitted to pass a prohibitory law against

slaveholding in the state, nor should any state ever possess the power to

emancipate its slaves. That the General Government and the Legislatures of all the territories in the

Union should be deprived of all power thereafter to interfere or injure the

right to hold such property in man. The rejection of this ultimatum to remove Slavery from its LOCAL and STATE institution into a national and coNSTITUTIONAL one, caused the rebellion and made the defensive action of the Federal government substantially a war on behalf of liberty.

The readers of the "Freed-Man” will remember the all-absorbing events of the succeeding years, and how certain well-known oracles of the Press, and the devout believers therein, fell into the humiliating blunder (blunders being now considered in that coterie worse than a crime) of supporting the cause of the slaveholders, and publicly as well as privately using every influence to crush all sympathy with the Federal power, and will also have a very vivid recollection of the signal failure of the cause of the slave power, and how it and its belongings became a complete wreck.

Suffice it therefore, to remark, that freedom in the hands of a patriotic, intelligent and christian people, was made eminently triumphant, and that the fourth anniversary of the first rebel shot against Fort Sumter was the day of celebrating the return of peace, and the political destruction of the slave power in the United States.

Memorable as was 1863 for the Emancipation Proclamation of the good and noble Abraham Lincoln-memorable as 1865 may be for the conquest over slavery as a military and political power-yet still more memorable, aye, even glorious in the scroll of years, will be 1865 for the final consummation of freedom in the United States, by the passing of an AMENDMENT TO THE ConSTITUTION, AND THE SOLEMN RATIFICATION THEREOF BY THE PEOPLE, WHEREBY SLAVERY IS LEGALLY ABOLISHED AND FOR EVER PROHIBITED IN ALL THE



GREAT REPUBLIC. It is indeed remarkable that this grand message has fallen on the national ear without a recognition, as if the magnanimity and humanity of the nation was dumb, and deaf, and blind. But though that appeareth so, yet there are thousands who in their Christ-jubilation of 1865 forgot not to receive the message as a part of the glad tidings which would be a joy to all people, and to devoutly and joyfully praise the Ruler of all men for the evidences thus rouchsafed of his continued government of the ways of men.

In the words of that brave patriot and good man, William Lloyd Garrison, “ Not a slave is left to clank his fetters, of the millions that were lately held in seemingly hopeless bondage. Not a slaveholder may dare to present his claim of property in man or assume the prerogative of trafficking in human flesh and blood.” “Hail, redeemed, regenerated America!" "Hail, all nations, tribes, kindred and peoples, made of one blood, interested in a common redemption, heirs of the same immortal destiny !"

In the transition of those millions from bondage to freedom, hardships, tribulations, hunger and even nakedness, had to be borne, suffered, and patiently endured. Early in their journey, however, the LOYAL people remembered them, and directly and indirectly administered to their necessities. Freed-men's Aid Associations were formed in the Eastern, Western and North Western States, specially to attend to their wants and condition, the Federal government furnished rations and provided shelter for them within the army lines, the Christian Commission, the American Missionary Union and other kindred societies voluntarily fulfilled their philanthropic duties. For the Freed-ones towns were built, schools were established, orphan asylums opened, ministerial and lay teachers provided, and implements of industry furnished, and thus their journey from the darkness to the brighter light was rendered as easy as under the circumstances it was possible to be made. Subsequently a Freed-men's Bureau, under governmental authority, was organized, to guard the rights of their persons and property, and administer the varied provisions of the general authority for their benefit and advantage, until the re-construction of the rebel states was completed. To all this noble and vast work of the loyal people and the government, has been added the help and sympathy of the Freed-men's Aid Societies of this country and of the continent. It is therefore with honest pride we record this page of the triumphs of voluntaryism in time of emergency

So much material and educational aid having been supplied for this noble purpose, we hopefully look for an early opportunity of announcing the fact that extraneous help is no longer needed, the helpless permanently provided for, the orphanage housed and in process of education, and work, paid for with fair wages, the boon and enjoyment of all the able-bodied of the emancipated people. We feel a sure faith that it will come and speedily too. Until then, however, the help we can give will be acceptable and welcome, as much for its expression of continued sympathy and interest in the grand work, as for its intrinsic value. In the year of America's great joy and greatest act, she is astounded to find that the old country has yet a grave and serious work to do in her own colonies, for the outbreak in Jamaica was and is as much the topic of the day in the States as here, and Americans are naturally looking over here to see how we act, after all our upbraidings and unbelief in them for their apparent lack of interest in the coloured people of the States. Indeed the riots in Jamaica have revealed our short-comings, and the reckless way with which we finished our emancipation of the slaves, and hastened to glorify and praise ourselves before the nations of the world.

That we did the right thing in paying for emancipation, rather than not obtaining it in another manner, may be quite sound and true, but having paid the planters twenty millions of pounds sterling, and enabled them to pay the debts to the English capitalists (perhaps voters and legislators, many of them) and giving a term of apprenticeship labour to the planter as a douceur beside, we committed a grievous wrong in making no provision for the freed-ones, exacting no guarantee for their well-being, either temporally or morally. The emancipated people were indeed left without the means of education, without example, subject to cruel usage, to prejudice against them and theirs, and through the Red Sea of contempt and neglect they had to force a passage, full of suffering, under which many died. No light shone into their minds, no general manifestation of sympathy beamed over their generation, nor were they blest with the means of inspiring hope and vigour in their children. We are forced to the conviction that we have not done our duty to those for whose welfare we were and are responsible, and the discovery is now made plain, that the want of honestly paid-for labour, of the means of education and of equitable government, have produced poverty, ignorance and natural discontent. Indeed during thirty years of emancipation we have not done as much for our coloured people in Jamaica as the young republic has done for hers in the first year of their freedom.

With a knowledge of our neglect, brought to our doors in such a humiliating way, let us diligently set to work to fulfil our responsibilities to our own people ; let us ascertain their exact state and condition, and then to the utmost of our ability provide that which is most needed for the present, and establish the m ans for the improvement of their material and moral condition in the future. Lel, our Freed-men's Aid Societies so widen the object of their operations, as to be able to take up and afford relief in all cases of need. Let us see to it that those under our own immediate charge be cared for, that we discharge faithfully our home duties, that we enlighten those belonging to us, that we free from oppression those who under our own government are enduring it, and that protection, justice, education and good administration, may be enjoyed by all under the British rule, whatever shade of colour may be the skin or in whatever part of our dominions they may dwell.

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