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where it did not originate it was communicated. The result we know. If the flaming sword of war is in its final stroke directed by the red right hand of infinite Justice, then the God of Battles has smitten for ever the foul and cruel thing for which all these efforts at defence were made-Slavery—to destruction. The course Southern politicians have taken in precipitating this catastrophe by appealing to the sword, issuing as it has in the loss of so many noble lives of men born both at the North and the South, is ever to be deplored.

Now, and not till now, have Northern men contemplated invasion. Now indeed it must be admitted they do. The eagle is bending his mighty pinions for a new flight. The brightness of a Southern sky and the fierce rays of a Southern sun, will not dim or bedazzle his scathless eye. That eye can cleave the blazing sun uninjured. Steady as it makes its upward flight, it looks across the Potomac to the Gulf, or over the highest peak of the Alleghanies, even to the Rio Grande. Has not the mighty bird already scaled the Rocky Mountains and perched at every part of the slope that declines till bounded by the silver fringe of the Pacific? The same spirit is at work now everywhere in the Northern mind which operated when our miserable pedantic James the First declared that he would “harry” the fathers of these very men out of the kingdom. It is the same spirit which wrought in the minds of these men's forefathers when at Leyden, already beginning to be prosperous, they determined that their children should not be Dutchmen, speaking the hard guttural of the Low Countries, but Englishmen. Hence, the expedition of the Mayflower and the Speedwell. It is the same spirit which prompted the Kansas and the Nebraska expeditions from the North, and it is a spirit that leads to action which must ever result in victory.

equidem credo, quia sit divinitus illis

Ingenium aut rerum fato prudentia major. The North will not only dominate over the South in the battle-fied—sad it is to think that the South should have challenged such an issue,—but also in the better struggle of commerce, education, and morals, now about to take place. This is the meaning of the Boston convention. There is something, moreover, approaching the sublime as we see these men rising up in the old South Church in Boston, or in the Church at the corner of Boston Common, wending their way to the Old Colony Depot; then by rail, forty miles, to the rock-the granite rock, a piece of which now lies before us, and it is the only granite rock in the locality-to the old town of Plymouth. They pass down that narrow but withal pleasant street. Our English deputation, consisting of Drs. Vaughan and Raleigh, see that modest Pilgrim Hall on their left hand before they arrive at the rock. In that hall Daniel Webster, in his best days, thundered forth one of those orations the echoes of which, like the ripples in the broad bay a little lower down the street, will last-—" though men may come and men may go”. for ever.

These men in Plymouth are like Hannibal swearing by the gods at the altars. of his country. They are pilgrims at one of the worthiest shrines the world has ever known, They look with outstretched eyes adown the main to Cape Cod on the one hand, and the home of Daniel Webster on the other, and then they ascend the green knoll in the old grave-yard. Dr. Vaughan, we venture to say, is more impressed by this peculiar knoll—not so high as the Dane John at Canterbury, though something like it—than even by the rock itself, which Carlyle only needed to see to apostrophize as he has done the “ Mayflower”“O, poor rock,” &c.

As you stand with your back to the town, on your right is the school-house, and on your left is the church; and beneath the soft sod of the knoll on which you tread is the grave of the first Pilgrim Father, who was a deacon in that first Church at Plymouth. It is on this spot that these New England men have gone anew to proclaim their creed. They do it beneath no temple made with hands, but beneath the concave clearer and bluer than Dr. Vaughan ever beheld in his own England. Dr. Vaughan is a wise man, and too well read an historian not to come home a wiser man for this scene in the midst of which he stands. Deep must have been his regrets—as deep are ours—that he ever misunderstood, as he certainly did, this great movement. But he understands it now; and his “ British Quarterly” in the future will give no unpleasant or perplexing utterance on this question.

We have called attention to this Boston convention, a report of the proceed ings of which may be seen in the British papers, because the Freed-men's Aid Society have something to do in inducing the Congregational Union to send the gentlemen to America who compose that deputation. As the following extract will show, it urged upon the Union the claims of the Freed-men :

Congregational Union of England and Wales,
4, Blomfield St., Finsbury, E.C.

DECEMBER 6, 1864. At a Committee meeting held this day, W. H. Warton, Esq., in the chair, the Rev. J. Curwen and Dr. Fredk. Tomkins, were received and heard as a deputation from the Com. mittee of the Freed-Men's Aid Society. It was then moved by the Rev. Dr. G. Smith, seconded by the Rev. J. C. Gallaway, M.A. and supported by the Rev. Dr. Vaughan, and nnanimously resolved

“That this Committee without offering any opinion on the merits of the War now raging in America, but deeply deploring the horrors of that gigantic conflict and earnestly desiring the speedy advent of peace cannot but heartily rejoice that the course of events connected with that fearful struggle, has led to the emancipation of many thousands of coloured people, long held in hard and unrighteous bondage. Believing that a large proportion of these freed Negroes are necessarily placed in circumstances of want and suffering, this Committee learns with satisfaction that “the Freed-Men's Aid Society," has been formed in this Country to co-operate with Christians and philanthropic persons of various denomi. nations and especially with the Congregationalists of the Free States in alleviating the calamities of this newly enfranchised people, by furnishing them with food, clothing, and religious instruction; and would earnestly commend the claims of this Institution to the consideration and support of the Independent Churches of this land."

Subsequently to this resolution being pessed, the Secretary of the Freedmen's Aid Society waited upon Dr. Smith, and urged the matter of a deputation to America as of paramount importance at the present time. Having returned himself recently from that country, he affirmed that it would certainly help to promote a good feeling between the two countries. The morning of the Union at which the American question was to be discussed arrived ; Levi Coffin, who had been refused audience on a technicality at the Hull meeting, and Dr. H. M. Storrs, who was not to have been heard, were conducted to the platform-not by the officials, for the Secretary of the Freedmen's Aid Society had been told they could not be allowed to speak, that Dr. Cleveland was to speak, and that one American was enough. Dr. Fred. Tomkins, the seconder, wisely refused to speak, only briefly seconding the resolution: he pointed to Levi Coffin and to Dr. Storrs on the platform, and asked the meeting if they would not hear them. Dr. Halley mounted that platform and uttered some noble and eloquent sentences, which it is hoped will never be forgotten. The meeting became enthusiastic, and all the defences that timidity, or want of knowledge, or interest, or all combined, had set up, were swept away in an instant. Levi Coffin and Dr. Storrs were both received with enthusiastic cheers, and delivered themselves of impressive speeches. The deputation to America, declined when suggested in private, was now desired by every one, and Drs. Vaughan, Raleigh, and Smith were deputed. We regret that the latter gentleman has not appeared on the scene. As advocates of the Freed-men's cause, ve also regret that he should have been so timid and reluctant upon this question in the past. But we are not disposed to write harsh words; because officials, who have to harmonize between parties of different opinions, must be somewhat conservative. We do, however, deeply regret that Dr. Smith was not at the Boston convention : we believe he will be able to explain his absence. Before leaving, both he and Dr. Vaughan were invited to the Westminster Palace Hotel meeting. Dr. Vaughan did attend, and made a masterly speech; Dr. Smith did not. Is it that Dr. Smith is disinclined to pronounce his palinode? Or is it that he has not arrived at a state of mind in which he feels disposed to make it?

In closing these remarks, let us impress upon all who, like Dr. Smith, have stood aloof for the last four years from this movement, that, whilst the leaders of the party of American freedom and of the Freed-men in this country have not numbered in their ranks some of the middle class, and whilst the aristocratic class with some noble exceptions has stood aloof, men who have made sacrifice for a principle and a cause which are now triumphant are apt to know the importance of the position they have won, and resolve to keep it. It is quite true that there is an aristocracy of office and of wealth in this country, but there is also an aristocracy of virtue and of intelligence. The cause of the Freed-man did not secure the former-perhaps has not secured it yet; but we have ever maintained that it has all along secured the latter.

The Freed

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. anxiety was mingled with the relig

ious faith of even those who believed W. Stokes, Manchester, will see that his that God would protect the emancipated suggestion has been attended to.

negro not only from revengeful passions, Dr. Storrs' Speech will appear in our next but from the overflowing exuberance of number.

his own joy. Apprehensions extended All orders and enquiries concerning Adver- far beyond the limits of the West

tisements, or other business connected with Indies or of Great Britain. 6. The this Magazine, are to be addressed for the

Carolina planter” says Miss Martineau present to ARLISS ANDREWS, 7, Duke Street,

“looked well to his negro quarter to see Bloomsbury, W.C.

that his hands' went not abroad after dark. Garrison and his band sat waiting for tidings—with more faith in the

negro temper than any one else, but AUGUST, 1865.

still with some anxiety for the cause."

The eight hundred thousand human THE FIRST OF AUGUST. beings who were endowed with the BY F. W. CHESSON.

rights of men put every evil prophecy “ The Freedman” could not well to shame, and more than realised the appear on a more auspicious day than hopes of their best and least doubting this the anniversary of the greatest act friends. Their last night of slavery of justice which the British nation has was spent, not in roystering pleasure, ever performed. The publication of a but in devotional exercise. The chapels first number on the first of August is a throughout the islands were thronged mere coincidence : let us, however, hope with black worshippers who came to that it is a fact of happy augury. The thank the Great Father of mankind, associations of the day—the recollec- who had made them free and equal, for tions of the great work which our fathers having restored them to their birthaccomplished exactly thirty one years right; and when the clock struck ago—the traditions of the manner in twelve and the hour of deliverance had which the emancipated negroes conduc- at length arrived, myriads of prayerful ted themselves on what the historian and rejoicing voices were borne by the has happily designated their “passover midnight air up to the very gates of night”-are eminently calculated to Heaven. “Let justice be done though stimulate the zeal, and strengthen the the heavens fall” said the old heathen confidence of those who are called -a saying which, although hackneyed upon to labour at a somewhat similar by repetition, deserves to be repeated although an infinitely more momentous. until the last yoke is broken and the conjuncture. Some of our readers will last shackle removed. But the heavens remember, all will have read, the inci- did not fall—they also rejoiced; and dents of that memorable day. We every circumstance connected with this know how gloomy were the vaticina- great event conspired to furnish another tions of the hostile; and how much of splendid example of the truth that the extirpation of a wrong never leads to of these untoward circumstances have evil results, and that true safety lies in already been magnified, and put in the the strict and unhesitating performance worst possible light, by the pro-slavery of justice. If our American brethren journalists of America and Great Brihad grasped in its length and breadth tain. But experience has abundantly this great law of Christian morality, shown, that the free-labour system, they would have been spared the accu- wherever it has been fairly tried, has mulated miseries of the most colossal achieved a material no less than a war of modern times.

moral success which puts the vicious Up to a certain point we may economics of the slave system to the establish a parallel between 1834 and blush. While we write, the telegraph 1865. In both instances emancipation makes the announcement, on the authonot only harmonized with national rity of the most anti-negro of American security, but was essential to it. After newspapers, that “ the new crop of the abolition of West India slavery, cotton in the state of Alabama is very there were no more insurrections, no fine, and that the free-labour system is more martyrdoms of missionaries, no working well.” Alabama is the state more social disorganization. Slavery in which John Mitchell desired to have was the direct instigator of every spe- a plantation stocked with fat negroes : cies of violence; Freedom made every it was, as may be supposed from the man, black or white, a conservator of brutal aspiration of this double-dyed order. So, in the Southern States, traitor, one of the worst of the slave “the peculiar institution” was in the states, socially, morally, and politinature of a conspiracy not only against cally. Yet Alabama, in the very inthe liberty, the virtue, and the happi- fancy of her regeneration, has reason to ness of individual men, but against the rejoice in the stupendous change which peace and security of the state. With is taking place within her borders. its downfall the social fabric will again Can any one suppose that there is anyrest on natural bases. The only enemy thing in the case of Alabama to make the nation has ever had occasion to her experience exceptional? The nedread is destroyed; and the mighty groes, like any other class of men, will chasm which has hitherto separated work for wages, if their payment is the North from the South will, in due combined with just treatment. The time, be filled up. It was not to be most active and thriving traders on the anticipated that a great var—the act, West coast of Africa are natives not be it remembered, of slaveholding mar- only of mixed but of pure blood. But plots—would make the transition from to argue in favour of so self-evident a darkness to light as free from disturb- proposition is to call in question the ance as it was in our own West India common-sense of mankind islands. In the very nature of things therefore content to leave it to time to many evils will occur which the friends demonstrate in the Southern States the of freedom would gladly avert, but truth of this natural law. which they can only mitigate. Some The Americans have exhibited their

we are

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