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never to hear the last of the Negro ? We have heard nothing but Negro since the day of our birth : why dont you suppress him? I tell you you've got to dine and sup on negro until you do him justice. When you do he will sink away from caucuses and conventions, but unless you do he'll haunt you, he'll haunt you here, until a blacker than he haunts you hereafter.”

What more could Wendell Phillips or Garrison, or Sumner, say? and it is not only from these sources that one hears this testimony. Of the Americans who have been in London during the last six weeks or so, several of the most intelligent, themselves abolitionists, have expressed to me, and in my hearing to others, their conviction that the President is acting most wisely, that his policy will pacify the country and obtain full rights of citizenship for the negro sooner than

any other more decided line. The American minister to this country a man of rare political sagacity, as we all know well enough by this time, is in the same tale. In short one can no longer resist the conviction, that the great bulk of the Republican party, and not by any means those who have never been more than Union and free-soil men, but some of the foremost abolitionists who believe that the negro should have the suffrage and are ready to give it him, believe also in President Johnson, and his method of re-construction, and scout the idea that any southern state will dare, though every United States soldier had been withdrawn and the Freed-men's Bureau dissolved, to tamper in any way with the slavery question.

Now of course it is quite possible for a great party to be quite in the wrong. We, looking on from a distance, may be able to form a better judgment than the Republican leaders in Boston and New York, and the verdict of the English abolitionists against the President's re-construction policy may be the right one. At the same time, we shall do wisely I think to distrust our own judgments in the face of such evidence. I for one have been quite confident that nothing but an immediate extension of the suffrage to the negroes would secure abolition in fact as well as in name. President Johnson's hesitation in the matter seemed to me like cowardice, or treason. I could not see the least reason why, when he was laying down his conditions of re-construction for the rebel states, he should not have added to the concession of civil rights, in the courts and elsewhere, the crowning political right of the ballot. Nor do I see the reason now: but this I do see, that very many men who have vastly better means of judging than I or any Englismen, who are far more directly interested in the issue, are content with the President's policy, and think that the battle is certain to be won, and sooner than it otherwise could be, through the action of the states themselves. I see, moreover, this fact at any rate already in favour of their view, that in Tennessee there is a Bill before the General Assembly giving the suffrage at once to men of African descent, able to read and write, twenty-one years old, who have resided six months in their country, and who were free on the 22nd of February, 1865, also to all coloured soldiers honourably discharged, and after the 22nd of February, 1875, to ALL coloured citizens.

As it has happened to me to speak in public on this subject of re-construction and to express distrust of President Johnson and his policy somewhat emphatically, I have thought that I could do no less than own in these pages that the events of the last few weeks in America, coupled with the undoubting faith in the man and his policy of some of the best and truest Americans I know, have shaken my own confidence. It is impossible for us to realize the enormous difficulties of the President at the present crisis, and as a large section of the best friends of the Freed-man in America-men who have shown their devotion to the cause of freedom by every kind of sacrifice, even to that of the lives of their nearest and dearest, to say nothing of their own blood-tell us that they can trust him, and that he is going right, I do feel that we on this side are bound to hold our judgments. They may not weigh much with the President, or with Americans generally. I don't know any good reason why we need expect that they should. But for our own sakes more than for theirs it is desirable that we should be patient and judge rightly. Meantime, whether the President's re-construction policy be right or wrong, this great need in the southern states calls to us in even louder and more touching accents than ever before to come to the aid of our brethren there with all the power that is in us during these coming months. This winter will probably be the most trying time of all the great crisis. There are accounts from every corner of the south of supplies of all kinds running short, of the fearful mortality amongst the families of the Freed-men, of a workfield which would make all but the stoutest hearts quail and despair. Into that field the men and women of the north are going hopefully, and bravely. They are asking us for sympathy and help, and we may rest assured that such & time for rendering both, with the greatest benefit to America and England, will never again offer itself to us in our day. Let us use it well, and show that the old spirit is not dead in us, and that we honour the Freed-men's friends in America, and the work they are doing for their country and our country, and the world, with all our hearts,



BY DR. HODGKIN. [The following paper was expressly written for the Meeting of the British Association at Bir

mingham, which will sufficiently account for its character, and also for some apparently irrelevant passages which it contains. In consequence of the number of papers which were presented, and other circumstances, there was no opportunity for its being read. The cause in the advocacy of which it was written is so good and important that even small accessions of support are not to be thrown away. It has therefore been read, with some modifications and additions for which subsequent events have given occasion, at a Meeting convened in favour of the Freed-men in the United States of America, at the Friends' Meeting House in Westminster, on the 2nd of 11 month (Nov.) and is now offered, by the writer, as a contribution to the "FREED-MAN," in which he rejoices to see the condition and

claims of the liberated slaves ably set forth.] Much as I have reflected on this subject, and greatly as I have desired to bring it before the notice of my fellow Members of the British Association for the promotion of science, I must confess that I have had some doubt as to whether it is strictly within the range which the Association has appropriated.

As such a doubt may similarly arise in the minds of others, I may as well briefly state the considerations which have satisfied me that it may come within our limits and also led me to believe that it is opportune and expedient to bring it forward at the present time.

The title of our Section E sets it forth as comprising both Geography and Ethnology. The subject of which I am about to treat appertains both to the one and to the other of these branches of knowledge. The former, Geography, is either PHYSICAL Or ARTIFICIAL such as national or political. It is with the former that our Association is almost exclusively concerned. I say almost exclusively, because although the political is strictly and properly shut out, there are points of a national or social character which practically we are not bound, and do not wish, to exclude. Thus in researches connected with purely physical Geography it is often necessary to consider whether the inquiring traveller has to go beyond the limits of the dominion of his own country or not. It may be absolutely essential to know and to note the boundaries of the territorial divi. sions which are traversed, and to attend to the usages of each. It must also be well heeded whether Christianity or Mohametanism be professed, or whether Paganism still prevails.

We all know how interesting to the geographer, as well as to the philanthropist and the merchant, are the details of submarine geography, which may either facilitate or obstruct the mutual social relations of different nations by means of the electric telegraph.

If deep volcanic action throw up cones of scoria from the bottom of the sea and produce a new island, though it be but for a transient existence, and the daring navigator venture to approach its shore, examine its extent, and by soundings explore its base, the geographer will value the narrative of these facts, though they may soon pass away. But if, courage and opportunity favouring, the explorer may do more than this, and, putting his foot on the untried soil, he examine its character and bring away specimens, even then more interesting facts will not exclude from the narrative the record that the Union Jack was planted by our countryman on the almost ephemeral Island. Again when art, and not nature, shall have effected a great physical change, and two continents united from pre-historic time shall be so separated that Africa shall be an island (nil mort alibus arduum) the Geographical Transactions of England as well as of France will gladly record the fact that the Arab skiff had sailed from the Red Sea into the Mediterranean.

But how much more interesting must it be, when over a tract of country of great Geographical extent and blessed by Providence with innumerable and priceless advantages, but where, in the form of man, millions of living creatures have been regarded as having the attributes and been degraded to the condition of brutes, to invite attention to the great event which has called these millions into a different class in the animal kingdom and opened to them a door of hope in common with ourselves. Influences will be brought into operation which must tell on artificial, and even on physical Geography.

The reasons which connect my subject with the Ethnological element of Sec, tion E are so evident that it is needless that I should adduce them as an apology, nevertheless it may conduce to the interest and advantage of the discussion which may be raised if I mention some of them.

However greatly the opinions or theories of ethnological sects or those of more independent anthropologists may differ among themselves, there is one fact which must be recognised and admitted by all, viz. that external circumstances exercise a very great influence on man as an individual and on the charter of the assemblages of men which, as a gregarious animal, it is essential to his nature to form. Now the change of circumstances which forms the title of my paper and the events which have taken place and are still in progress in the United States of America, are so marked and striking, and are on so large a scale that the phenomena which they present are of the utmost interest and of incalculable practical importance, since on the conclusions and measures which either rightly or wrongly may emanate from them, the weal or the woe of the country and its inhabitants will very much depend. The physical, intellectual and moral powers and peculiarities of race will be subjected to a variety of tests more or less severe. The degree of developement and the application of which they are susceptible will be ascertained, and the alterations in their vital statistics and sanitary condition will merit special observation and comment. The care and accuracy with which these points are studied and the results acted upon must influence the happiness and prosperity of the new order of things to a degree which it is almost impossible to estimate.

In putting together the statements which I am about to offer to your notice, I can truly say that I have been anxiously desirous that no bias of my own feel. ings, in relation to the subject, and no misinformation or misapprehension of facts, may lead me to hurt or to do injustice to the feelings of others. Igreatly admire the marvellous aptitude for appliance which characterises our American cousins, and what they have already done, under present emergency, is amply sufficient to inspire us with bright anticipations. It not only stimulates the desire to watch and observe; it should also raise the desire to assist. It must be fully admitted that those who quite disinterestedly contemplate the passing transactions, from a distance, conscientiously adopt very opposite conclusions and sentiments. Whilst there are many who rejoice that the inscrutable wigdom and goodness of Providence, ever drawing good out of evil, has caused the miseries and sufferings of one of the most remarkable and lamentable wars ever waged, to bring about the liberation of the millions of the sons of Africa, in bondage in the Southern States of America, in a manner in some degree comparable to the liberation of the children of Israel subsequently to the plagues of Egypt, and some are perhaps looking forward to a happy period, like that which was doubtless expected in the promised land, not a few, as I have said, are deliberately and disinterestedly taking a very different view. Of this class are those who, readily and unreservedly accepting the infused idea that the Afri. can race is essentially and irremediably inferior to other families of mankind, believe, as a consequence, that it is a privilege and blessing to the Negro to be brought under the influence of the superior wisdom and undisputed or irresistible power of the intellectual and sagacious Anglo-Saxon. The narratives of the miseries and sufferings of Slavery, however authenticated, are regarded by this class as gross exaggerations if not mere inventions, or at most as rare exceptions from which no general inferences are to be drawn. Perhaps judging of others by their own prudence, and recognising the dictates of humanity by which happily they may themselves have been habitually guided, they deem it incredible that men of our own race can so far damage their own property or violate their own feelings as to make it possible that the acts related can be of common occurrence or are anything like the normal features of a system so cherished and approved by those whom they admire. It is foreign to my purpose to discuss which of these two classes of observers and judges is in the right, but the recognition of the two classes is essential both to the explanation of facts and to the right apprehension of the future.

I imagine that there are many who kindly listen to me on this occasion who may think that I overrate the number of those, even of our countrymen, who cherish the opinions which I have last noticed. To convince you that this is not the case I would beg leave to refer you to the truly admirable address delivered by the Duke of Argyll, at a large and highly respectable meeting held not long since at the Westminster Palace Hotel, in which the maintenance of these senti. ments in our own country was dwelt upon at considerable length. He said “It is impossible to go into any society-it has been impossible at least during the

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