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disposition secured for him the personal attachment and generous confidence of many friends. His own father began at length to patro ize him, and was not ashamed to recognize him by occasional visits and commissions.

A benevolent lady lent him a thousand pounds, for which he paid due interest for a number of years, and to whom he afterwards reimbursed the loan with the warmest expressions of gratitude.

As a merchant, Mr. Gordon was most laborious. Notwithstanding the intense heat of Kingston, he remained in his office till ten o'clock at night. In the course of a few years of incessant application, he accumulated a large amount of money, though, says Mr. Fletcher, "he was one of the most unselfish and unsecular men I ever knew." The earth did not swallow him up.

From the commencement of his commercial career, he proposed to himself several noble objects, which he steadily kept in view. His sense of their importance stimulated him to extraordinary promptitude and energy. Enjoying the rights and blessings of freedom himself, his paternal affection rendered him keenly alive to the condition of his sisters, who were left in a state of slavery with all its degradation, and exposed to its horrors and pollutions. He never rested until he had obtained their emancipation.

"That," says our missionary friend, "was a superlatively bright day for Mr. Gordon's sisters when they lovingly embraced him, and would hardly let him go their hearts bursting, and tears of gratitude streaming hot from their eyes, as they almost adored their brave and generous brother, who, unsolicited, had become their redeemer from the deepest shame of womanhood."

The kindness of Mr. Gordon did not terminate with the mere act of emancipation. The minds of his sisters had been neglected, and they had contracted the habits incident to a servile condition. With affectionate patience, tenderness, and skill, he taught his sisters the rudiments of useful knowledge. He was encouraged by their earnest attention and consequent improvement, and resolved, since they had given such evidence of capacity, to provide for them a better education than could be obtained in any of the schools of Jamaica.

When he intimated his kind intention to his sisters, they almost fainted in their feeling of grateful obligation, and Mr. Gordon was compelled to retire, and to weep out his own overpowering emotions.

Having prayed earnestly for the divine guidance, he sent his sisters to Paris to receive, at his own expense, the most complete education that could be obtained. It is a satisfaction to add that, in their subsequent honourable and exemplary course, they have more than justified their brother in the plans he adopted for their instruction.

Mr. Gordon's father experienced great vicissitudes. From being very rich, and laden with civic honour, he became, through a series of crushing reverses one of the poorest men in Jamaica.

Mr. Gordon now proved himself a dutiful son. Instead of resenting the injury and contempt he had received from his father in early life, he manifested the deepest sympathy and compassion for him. He bought and paid for his

father's embarrassed and mortgaged estates, allowing him to occupy them in the full enjoyment of his former comforts and luxuries, and generously settled on him a handsome annuity.

Mr. Gordon, in his secular pursuits was strongly actuated by philanthropic as well as fraternal and filial principles and feelings, which, in some of their practical operations, gave an Utopian appearance to some of his commercial transactions. "Some did not scruple to charge him with insatiable avarice as they found him buying one immense estate after another, until he had vast plantations in almost every parish of the colony. Others pronounced him a foolish speculator in dismantled and thrown-up estates, which could yield him no adequate compensation for his money. In a merely pecuniary aspect, he could not be justified; although he never became insolvent, but was able to meet all demands during every crisis in his commercial life, even when others of apparently greater sagacity and of larger sources had failed, yet he must at certain periods have experienced unpleasant embarrassments."

Mr. Gordon identified himself with the cause of emancipation, and his ardent mind projected comprehensive schemes for their amelioration and advancement. We reserve our account of these for another article. The "antecedents" of Mr. Gordon will prepare us to examine with care that part of his course which terminated in his cruel and undeserved death. Mr. Fletcher has issued a full prospectus of his intended memoir, which may be obtained by application to his address,-Moy, Ireland.

IS THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN FREED-MEN'S AID SOCIETY

POLITICAL?

To the constant readers of the FREED-MAN it may seem perfectly needless to offer a word of explanation as to the simple object of our Society. Our work is that of true and practical Christian philanthropy in relation to a race in which it is deeply needed. As a Society we send out no agents of our own selection, but wherever we find willing and devoted workers in any part of the field, to the extent of our opportunity we are anxious to render them help of every kind. We find notwithstanding the explicitness of our statements from the first that some hesitate to co-operate with us under the impression that we have some ulterior political object. If they will do us the justice to look over the pages of the FREED-MAN, we think they will find it difficult to discover any traces of the particular bias to which they refer. As a rule it will be seen that those who are intensely absorbed in political questions have not the leisure nor the calmness of mind either to look dispassionately into the suffering condition of a neglected race or to devise means for their restoration. After the excitement of debate is over in reference to the wrongs of the Freed-men it has often happened that their condition has not only been left unchanged, but the conflicting parties, wearied by their own discussions, have rather felt in consequence great indisposition to look further into the subject. There was a moment we believe

when Dr. McLeod at Balmoral had a promising opportunity to enlist the synpathies of the Court in favour of the Freed-men, but the matter was checked by some cool observation from Sir Charles Phipps that our Society was of a political caste. So far as the representatives of the Society are concerned an objection of this kind might be left without comment, but in the interest of millions whose welfare and progress we seek, we deeply regret that it should have become a barrier to the help and influence that might be so beneficial. We trust it is not yet too late for our noble friends in high places to make those representations that will secure a recognition of an object worthy of the most influential sanction that can be given. To illustrate our meaning as to the political relations of the Society, we have to say that our politics in reference to the Freedmen, are those of Clarkson, Macaulay, Stephens, Wilberforce and Buxton; they are identical with those of Mrs. Fry, and of Mrs. Moseley, who is well worthy to be named, for gentleness, wisdom, zeal and devotedness, with any who in former days have been workers in the same cause.

MR. PEABODY'S GIFT.

sonal and special friends, the sum of one A MILLION OF DOLLARS FOR EDUCATION IN million of dollars, to be by you and your

THE SOUTHERN STATES.

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successors held in trust, and the income thereof used and applied in your discretion for the promotion and encouragement of intellectual, moral, or industrial education among the young of the more destitute portions of the South Western States of our Union, my purpose being that the benefits intended shall be distributed among the entire popula tion without other distinction than their needs and the opportunities of usefulness to them. Besides the income thus devised, I give you permission to use from the principal sum within the next two years an amount not exceeding forty per cent."

On the seventh of February Mr. Peabody addressed a letter to fifteen American gentle. men of eminence representing all parties, in which he says: "With my advancing years my attachment to my native land has but become more devoted. My hope and faith in its successful and glorious future have grown brighter and stronger. But to make her prosperity more than superficial, her moral and mental development should keep pace with her material growth and in those portions of our country which have suffered from the disastrous consequences of civil war, the urgent and physical needs of an almost impoverished people must for some years preclude them from making by unaided effort such advances in education, and such progress in the diffusion of knowledge among all classes, that every lover of his country must earnestly desire. I feel most deeply, therefore, that it is the duty and privilege of the more favoured and wealthy portions of our nation to assist those who are far less fortunate, and with the wish to discharge, so far I may be ablo, my own responsibility in this matter, as well as to gratify my desire to aid those to whom I am bound by so many ties of attachment and regard, I give to you gentlemen, most of whom have been my per-part and do it now.

We may well keep on in urging the claims of the "needy." None can tell how soon the springs of benevolence may be touched by the divine hand, when the wants of the perishing are clearly exhibited. The turn of the coloured people in Canada, in Jamaica and in Africa will yet come. We feel deeply humili. ated by the fact that the desolation in Jamaica after all the struggles of the great political parties remains untouched. Mr. Teall in go. ing out to preach in one district can find only a tree for shelter; but the hour will come when some noble-minded friends who love their country and their race, will say, this case shall be provided for; I will take my

THE JAMAICA PROSECUTIONS. Proceedings have been instituted for the prosecution of General Nelson and Lieutenant Brand at the Bow Street Court. Application was made to Sir Thomas Henry to grant a warrant for the apprehension of these persons on the charge of wilful murder in putting to death Mr. Gordon. Mr. Fitzjames Stephens conducted the case with remarkable discretion and ability. It is due to all parties concerned that we should put on record a dispassionate report of the case.

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Mr. Stephens at the outset introduced the legal proposition, affirmed by every authority of the law of England-and contained in "Russell on Crimes," that if any person wilfully and illegally puts another person to death that act is prima facie murder, unless it can be reduced either to manslaughter or excusable homicide, the proof of which lies upon the party who must show some cause for it. "If it was an illegal act," said Mr. Stephens, "clearly it was deliberate, clearly it was intentional, and in that sense wilful and malicious; for malice means nothing else than unlawful, illegal, a state of mind which the law condemns and forbids. Therefore it was done wilfully, and also illegally; it was murder. So that that proposition which I shall have to lay before you is really this-that there are several grave reasons for considering, prima facie, until a sufficient answer can be given, that the act was alto. gether illegal and unjustifiable."

Then who were the parties concerned? General Nelson must unquestionably have commanded in the most express terms that this man should be hanged, because there it is in his own letters. He says, "He is to be hanged on Monday morning." In the same way Lieutenant Brand as the organ of this body calling itself a Court Martial, also orders that he shall be hanged, because he says, "the prisoner is sentenced to be hanged by the neck."

It may be said that this act was done in good faith, and that they believed they had legal authority for what they did: but that is no excuse at all. If a man without legal authority, supposing himself to be a judge in a question of life and death, and to have

authority to put persons to death, that is just one of those mistakes which the law does not permit any man to make: therefore he does it at his peril.

They were acting at their peril in this matter. If they acted in that way in ignorance or in good faith it would be no excuse. It may be said especially with regard to Lieutenant Brand, that he acted under the command of his superior, General Nelson. But an illegal order does not justify the person who carries it out. If the King command an unlawful act to be done, the offence is not therefore the less an offence

The whole matter was utterly illegal from beginning to end. This was not a Court Martial in any degree. There are three Court Martials which this might have been. It might have been a Court Martial held under the Military Act of Jamaica; that is one. It might have been a Court Martial held under the Mutiny Act of Jamaica; that is two. It might have been lastly, a Court Martial under the Naval Discipline Act; that is three. It was not any one of these. At all events it was not a Court Martial. It was merely three officers meeting together to administer what they call martial law.

The common law of England, and that alone, must be resorted to in order to understand the words "Martial law," in the Jamaica Acts—so that the Jamaica Acts do not in fact extend the power of the governor beyond the power which he possesses by the common law.

Mr. Stephens gave a history of legislation on the subject in Jamaica from 33rd Charles II:-"The gist of the thing is," he continued, "that the introduction of martial law in Jamaica, in its origin, is nothing less than a power to call out the adult male population of the island and make them soldiers for the time being, and when they were soldiers for the time being they were liable to the discipline of soldiers and to be called upon as such. That is all you can gather from the acts themselves; but you gather this alsothat the martial law in question was not to be repugnant to the law of England.

"Whatever the law of England includes, it does not include the power of trying a man

for an offence and putting him to death with- Lieutenant Brand have since been placed in out the ordinary form of law, except in cases of absolute necessity, of which necessity a jury to be the judges afterwards.

"The question is this: Is the law of England supreme, or is there, known to the law of England, some other power which in its own discretion can set aside the law and be supreme over it?

the dock for the further examination of the case. They were offered a seat in another part of the court but declined to change their position. Lieutenant Brand and General Nelson are committed for trial.

THE CHARLESTON MERCURY acknowledges that the practice of allowing negroes to testify in court has proved entirely satisfactory.

OPPRESSION IN MARYLAND.-A coloured

minister in one of the lower counties of Mary. land, some time since, addressed the following letter to Judge Bond, of Baltimore, com. plaining of the persecution his people suffered in the apprenticeship of their children, the burning of the schoolhouses, and the beating of the teachers of the the coloured schools. We conceal the name and residence of the writer, since, if they were disclosed he would inevitably fall a prey to rebel vengeance :My dear Judge, We poor coloured people are being shot down while we are on our way to church, and our children are taken away from us (by the apprenticeship law) and there is no help. Come down, if you can, and see what cau be done before we are all lost. And if you can't come, write to Judge

When Mr. Gordon was put to death, was he put to death by authority of any prerogative right in the Crown to suspend or overcome the law, and to protect afterwards from all injury those who act upon it, or was he put to death by men who may have acted perfectly legally? That, and nothing less than that, is the question involved in this prosecution, and one more worthy of the very highest judical authority itself could not be found in any country, or could possibly be sub. mitted for the consideration of any person. I do not come here to say let these men be put to death. I do not come here to press for conviction. We do not come here in a spirit of vindictiveness; but we come hear to say, 'You have put to death one of the Queen's subjects with the strong hand: now show the proper authority tat that you did was necessary to be done.' That, Goldsborough, or some good man that will have a feeling for us, to get our children."

which

Sir, is the object for which we come here: and I am sure if it could be shown to an English jury that it was necessary to take this man and put him to death-if it could be shown that nothing else would preserve the lives of the inhabitants of the country, that nothing short of that would have preserved peace and restored the lawful authority of the Queen, I know very little of English juries if they would not be right glad to receive such evidence that it was necessary on the part of those in lawful authority to adopt such steps for the preservation of the empire. But, Sir, I fear the facts tend all the other way. Be that as it may, that is nothing to the question before us now. The question for you is whether by granting this warrant you will put the matter in the course of investigation and call upon them for a justification of the act they have done. The facts of the case were proved by several witnesses. The magistrate granted the warrants. General Nelson and

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SOUTH CAROLINA.

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-While two or three third-rate politicians have come from the Palmetto State to see what terms they can make, the Legislature is anything but loyal. Last week, a committee reported a bill, placing five thousand dollars at the disposition of the Governor to enable him to test the constitutionality of those acts of Congress by which the sea-islands were confiscated, and sold to the Freed-men in small farms. Many of these coloured men fought for the Union, and afterward purchased snug homesteads under what they supposed was a guaranty of title by the United States. But their occupation of the estates once owned by rebels is not acceptable to the chivalry, and the State is endeavouring to dispossess them. If these sable occupants of the sea-islands only had votes, they would be entreated to remain, and to vote the Democratic ticket.

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