ple now charitably hope they were the unconscious instruments, they must expect to expose themselves to the scorn of the virtuous and the good. By this unconstitutional proceeding, carried on by men claiming respectability, a precedent has been established which has emboldened the enemies of freedom, who now begin to act openly, and endeavour to lead on their followers to sustain their mad projects.. The fame of this infamous transaction has already re-echoed from the uttermost bounds of the union.

Who would have believed, that in this land of freedom and of laws, such acts would have been approved by men whose opinions we have been accustomed to respect? That even the press itself should have stooped from its elevated and commanding position to sanction measures and conduct so utterly destructive of the principles upon which the liberties of this country are suspended? But, alas! so blind and unconditional has become our adherence to Party and to Favouritism, that we receive without investigation the interested opinions of their corrupt and profligate organs, in regard to public policy, as settled and unquestionable maxims, and support with alacrity every measure which they propose, thus rushing heedlessly on to our own ruin. The monster, Party, is a dangerous enemy in a popuLar government. Who does not know that by a strong and efficient organization the people may be subjected to a species of dictation more intolerable than despotic rule? Who are they that urge strict adherence to "party usages?" They who are opposed to the government of the people. Who de

sire to govern by party, and to riot upon the spoils? It is by the corrupting influences of party that this most shocking violation of the acknowledged rights of American citizens has gained the approval of many who would sacrifice the laws, the liberty of the citizens, and the constitution itself, to promote their own aggrandizement, or that of some favourite to whom they have become unconditionally devoted.

It is this sanction which it has obtained which renders it so important in its ultimate results. Its poisonous influence has become widely diffused. A precedent is established; how fatal, alas! in its consequences, time alone will reveal. It is a precedent which would well sustain the assemblage of a mob in the capitol of this republic, for the purpose of placing a favourite in the presidential chair. He who would attempt to palliate these deeds of violence, or who would attempt to conceal the fact that they are brought about by a concert of purpose among designing men, is a deceiver.

Numerous are the disguises in which these deceivers will appear. The means which they will. employ to corrupt public sentiment will be as various as the minds upon which they have to operate. Let us beware of their wiles, for whatever may be their character or pretences, they are practically our country's most deadly foes.

We have seen who were the chief actors in breaking up the Utica Convention; their names have been recorded in connexion with their exploits. Of some of them this was the first essay at notoriety. They will do well to implore the indulgence of their coun

try's silence hereafter. Let none of them boast of the deeds of October 21, 1835. "Smothered be the fame of the inglorious action," nor let any claim the honour of an achievement, for which posterity will load them with execrations.

Some profligate journals, which seem not only destitute of honesty, but devoid of all sense of the rules of honour, not satisfied with their disgraceful triumph over the laws and constitution, have the consummate baseness to reproach this Convention with cowardice. What act of this assembly exposes them to such an imputation? Let the reader appear, in his imagination, in the imperial city at a time when its liberties are assailed by a fierce and savage horde from beyond the Alps,* and witness the entrance of this wild and terrific foe into the Forum, where they behold the ancient senators of Rome, who had assembled with a determination to devote their lives to their country's welfare, "seated. in their order, defenceless, yet unmoved and undaunted," and he will have a picture of this Convention and their assailants, with this difference, that in the former case the devotion, "majestic gravity, and the venerable looks of these old men, who had for many years served their country in different capacities, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence;" but the UTICA MOB, (with a few exceptions,) sunk by intemperance and vice infinitely lower in the scale of intellectual being, than the untutored Gauls, just sallying forth from their original habitations,

* U. C. 364.

devoid of shame, unawed by the dignity of virtue, had no sense of honour or decency to restrain their brutal rage; and with this difference, that those who assailed the Fathers of Rome fought for their country, its honour, and institutions; but the assailants of the Utica Convention fought against their country, its laws, and institutions. Who were the dastards?

But it is said that the abolitionists are guilty of an act of unexampled temerity, in persisting in their opinions, when "public opinion" is strong against them. Why not silence their tongues by some argument which will convince them of their error? God himself, who is greater than "public opinion," did not make man free, and then exert, or even claim the right to exert, an arbitrary control over the exercise of his reason.

Our country did not confirm to us this freedom, which God has given us, and then give to "public opinion" the right to take it away.

He who is afraid to maintain his opinions against THE WORLD, is unworthy of the honour of an American citizen, is unworthy of the dignity of a man. Is this temerity? Let this temerity for ever be the boast of freemen! It is the temerity which makes despots tremble; which destroys the little less odious tyranny of party domination, maintains the sovereignty of the people, and despoils the political intriguer of his hopes.

The violations of law which have been mentioned, have been considered with the utmost plainness and simplicity. It was necessary the subject should be

thus treated; no personal animosity has dictated a syllable. The author has been actuated by a deep consciousness of duty to his country. His tongue and his pen are yet unshackled. He claims the right to use them by virtue of a grant from the Author of his being, sanctioned and confirmed by the government under which he has the happiness to live. He is ready to give up his property and his life whenever the good of his country shall require that sacrifice. But the right to the legitimate exercise of his reason he will never surrender. The first lesson he was taught in childhood, was to venerate the constitution and laws, with which our country is pre-eminently blessed. Who could have imagined that it would be necessary so soon to defend them against so formidable an attack as that with which they are now assailed.

IV.

BEFORE we proceed further, it may be well to introduce Jefferson's sentiments on the subject of slavery, not for the purpose of showing the doctrines of the abolitionists to be correct, but for the purpose of showing, that if he was yet living, he would not consider it patriotism to deprive them of the right to discuss the subject. "The whole commerce," says he, "between master and slave, is a