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weak, poverty-stricken, ill-conditioned ity in the quarrels of Great Britain Spanish-American Republic, which with other nations, was to take up a ought to be no match for her in the position at once sanctioned by right preparation and presentation of her and justice, and, if maintained, sure case and the general management of to secure to England, not only subthe business in hand, and whose vic- stantial advantages in her trade relatory, if England was worsted, involved tions with South America, but infinite no very great loss of property or glory and honour, and a large augprestige. mentation of national credit and prestige. That Lord Salisbury clearly saw the path of interest and of honour then is just as certain as that he has chosen the course of national infamy and disaster now.

But England's refusal to arbitrate induced the United States to make the quarrel her own, and, in order to get a locus standi, to promulgate with ostentatious effrontery the theretofore nebulous Monroe doctrine, which had never, thus far, been formally recognized or incorporated into the code of international law. In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, the whole situation was changed, and became fraught with the most serious import to Great Britain. She was now in a situation where she had to choose between immensely adding to her prestige and authority over the civilized world, by withstanding with calm strength and dignity the preposterous claims of the United States on the one hand, and, on the other, of cutting the very disreputable figure of yielding to the menace and power of the United States that which she had refused to the supplication and weakness of Venezuela. The issue was clear and unmistakable. To turn a deaf ear for a quarter of a century to the entreaties of Venezuela, because she was too weak to forcibly oppose us, and then, in deference to the threats of the United States, to turn right-about-face and grant practically all that Venezuela had ever asked, was to proclaim England to the world as a swaggering bully. On the other hand, to tell the United States to mind her own business, to stand confidently upon the indisputable ground that Great Britain is as much an American power as the United States, that the latter is not entitled to any predominating influence in the Western Hemisphere, and that she cannot be permitted to interfere with impun

The settlement just made, viewed in its narrow, immediate import, gives to Venezuela all that she ever asked, viz., a general arbitration as to the whole territory in dispute. I count as of practically no importance the limitation granting a title by prescription to districts of which the English have been in "open, notorious, and exclusive possession of for fifty years," and I venture to predict it will play a very insignificant part in the ultimate determination of the cause. Lord Salisbury announced at the Mansion House, with charming innocence, that this suggestion came from the United States-Timeo Danaos dona ferentes. It was too obviously furnished by Mr. Olney, as a soft spot for the English Premier to fall upon, to deceive anybody but an Englishman dealing with America.

Then, too, Venezuela gains immensely in the change of parties to the record which makes the United States the antagonist of Great Britain in the court of arbitration. Not only does this insure to Venezuela the presentation of her cause in a manner consistent with the resources and position of the United States, in a more forceful and exhaustive way than Venezuela herself could manage, but, what is of much more consequence, it brings to bear upon the tribunal itself, in favour of Venezuela, all the influence and authority of the United States, flushed with the advantage of having drawn first blood in the fight, in comparison

with which the influence of Venezuela herself would be as nothing.

I do not dwell upon these aspects of the matter which concern almost exclusively Venezuela and British Guiana. It is when one passes from these to larger considerations that one sees at once that the United States emerges from the controversy with everything gained, while England is certainly ignominiously defeated and humiliated. If we leave out of sight the general treaty arrangement, which is not at all necessarily involved in the settlement of the Venezuela business, and which time will prove is of no advantage to England, the United States has every reason to indulge in the wildest outbursts of enthusiasm. Not only is the Monroe doctrine firmly established and inscribed in the international code, but in a form so amplified and extended as to make the influence of the United States absolutely paramount upon this continent, and to make her the arbiter of the fortunes and destinies of every South American state. The far-reaching consequences of this state of affairs will very soon make themselves apparent. Trade follows the flag, and if you deliberately modify, if not annihilate, your own influence and prestige in South America, and at the same time solemnly acknowledge that the United States is to be the paramount authority and absolute master of the situation, you will very soon find that the nations of the southern half of this hemisphere will find it to their advantage to buy their wares of, and do their business with, that country which can make or mar their fortunes. The position of the United States in the matter of controlling South American trade, which has long been the eager pursuit of her statesmen, is alınost impregnable. We have delivered the prey to our enemy, and that without rhyme or reason, much less any equivalent.

This is serious enough for Englishmen, whose interests in South America

are still immense; it will be much more serious for Canada a quarter of a century hence. Depend upon it, South America, when this country has a population of 15,000,000, as it will have in another 25 years, would be one of our most natural and productive markets, particularly for lumber, timber, and certain classes of manufactured goods. To nurse and preserve that market should be one of our strongest and most persistent aims; but we know that its productiveness to us will be largely destroyed if the influence of the United States can compass it.

Besides this consideration, English statesmen ought to reflect a little upon the feelings of Britons in America. If England is not really able to stand up against the United States, if the State letters of English statesuien, such as Lord Salisbury's early letters to Secretary Olney, which inflamed us with pride and enthusiasm, are, in reality, as Americans allege, only so much bounce and bluster which have only to be met with courage and firmness to make England yield, then is the position of the American Briton a sorry one indeed, and almost intolerable. It is all very well for Englishmen at home to concentrate their attention upon European politics and to be always ready to make every concession to the United States, so as to leave them free to watch the game of European intrigue with undistracted attention, but they ought to give at least a passing thought to the daily, if not hourly, humiliation to which this course of weakness and pusillanimity exposes us.

Our sympathy is in an especial degree due to our fellow-subjects in British Guiana. They, in common with ourselves, have been engaged in a high endeavour to consolidate the interests of the Empire and uphold the honour of the flag upon this continent, and to-day they find themselves surrounded by a lot of SpanishAmerican pups who bark and snarl

and scratch and bite from under the protecting legs and jowl of the bulldog at Washington, to whom the British lion has formally abandoned the field. It requires no aid of the imagination to perceive that the natural effect of England's back down, and of her assent to the extravagant pretensions and astounding doctrines of the United States, must be to greatly elevate the horn and stiffen the back of the Spanish-American communities, and to correspondingly depress the courage, spirit and energy of our fellow-subjects in those regions. Our enemies in those quarters know that from this time forth they may hector and badger their British neighbours with impunity, and that if the worm at last turns in sheer desperation, they have only to bring him before the proposed arbitration tribunal, where there is no claim too extravagant for the United States to champion, no proceeding too high-handed for her to defend, while, on the other hand, there is scarcely any imposition or indignity which England will not in the end condone. Such a position is absolutely intolerable.

when the Mother Country has, in effect, under her hand and seal, admitted our inferiority. It is a question of national life and honour. Constant and reiterated humiliation must leave its effects upon the character of our people, and we must either maintain our amour propre, or find our spirits droop and sicken in this choke-damp of national dishonour. If the arrangement with the United States is sanctioned by parliament, the most serious blow will be struck at the maintenance of British institutions upon this continent. To-day To-day a certain percentage of our youth annually find their way to the United States, seduced not more by the smiles of fortune than by the charm of escaping from what they feel to be the equivocal status of colonists, but how much more difficult will it be, hereafter, to restrain this exodus, when England has herself given this whimsical chimera the air of reality!

We are face to face with the gravest crisis for many a day in American colonial history. There is a dignity and self-respect which pertain to individuals in their private relations with one another, without the maintenance of which life is not worth the living; there is also a dignity and self-respect which pertain to those same individuals, as members of one political community, in their dealings with citizens of other States which is just as necessary to an honourable life. It is one thing to have endured with placid equanimity, as we have done all our political lives, the inflated vapourings and boisterous swagger of the people of the United States, so long as we rested confident in the feeling that when the hour for action came England would vindicate our honour and superiority, and her own; it is quite another thing to endure all this

The truth is that if Lord Salisbury had set out with the avowed object of elevating the fortunes and status of the United States, and depressing our own, he could scarcely have succeeded better. No one will accuse the noble marquis of any indifference to the interests or honour of his country in its foreign relations. The whole difficulty arises from that fatal inability of Englishmen to form a true estimate of American character and aims. They will persist in believing that the United States fully reciprocates their idyllic and altruistic aspirations for the harmony and union of the two peoples, and that she desires the prosperity and happiness of the British Empire as heartily as Englishmen wish these for her. No more profound error can be indulged. It cannot be too often repeated, line upon line, precept upon precept, until it passes into the currency of a maxim that England has no such deadly, jealous and persistent foe as the United States. It ought not to be so; it may not always be so; but it absolutely is so.

So, also, Englishmen utterly fail to realize that social, political and economic conditions have conspired to induce American statesmen to forego the insular and domestic traditions of the past, and to look forward to a vigour ous foreign policy, to territorial aggrandizement, and generally to playing a larger and more conspicuous part among the nations. Everyone in this continent who is familiar with the sentiments of American public men, and the trend of current discussion and opinion in that country, knows the truth of what I assert. In part consciousness, that they are a very insignificant factor in the world's politics; in part, that desire for expansion which is common to all virile and vigourous communities; and, in part, the efforts to divert attention from difficulties at home, by creating interests abroad, have produced this state of affairs, and no one is competent to conduct our international controversies who is unaware of it, or fails to keep it steadily in view. English statesmen are constantly endeavouring to conciliate the United States by concessions of one kind or another. It is a policy of weakness which is fast approaching the confines of poltroonery, and in which a small demand conceded to-day is followed by a more audacious one proffered to

morrow.

The consent to submit to arbitration the impudent assertion that the Behring Sea is mare clausum, and to subject our sealers to a set of regulations which practically leaves the sealing industry in the hands of Americans was a fitting prelude to the still more preposterous claim that Great Britain cannot deal with a boundary dispute upon this continent, except in the manner prescribed by the United States. That country is the horseleech's daughter crying, "Give give, give!" and the more you yield to her, the more you may. This continual nauseating deference to the demands of the United States is all the more

to be deplored by those who appreciate the fact, which is undoubted, that if those demands were refused with courageous and persistent firmness, she would not persevere in them. It is the knowledge that England will go almost any length to appease her which is the most prolific source of all these difficulties; and it will be found that our subscription to the all-embracing Monroe doctrine, accompanied by the erection of a tribunal to try questions which arise, will result in the immediate multiplication of difficulties for England upon this continent. South American nations will constantly be seizing upon one pretext or another for asking the United States to intervene between them and England, which she will be only too ready to do in order to prove her power and extend her influence and trade.

So, also, we shall find that another result will be the further augmentation of the navy of the United States, which will make her still more defiant and unreasonable. Heretofore, every time she has been confronted with the possibility of a foreign war, the weakness of her navy has made her pause; but once that navy has been increased to respectable proportions, you may look for her going about the world with a chip on her shoulder, and we may also be certain that not on this continent alone, but in every quarter of the world where the Stars and Stripes are carried, their influence will always be found in the scale of England's enemies.

The carrying trade of Great Britain, which has long been the envy of Americans, and to curtail which they are putting forth superhuman efforts, must inevitably suffer. It is easy to see that the great extension of the influence and prestige of the United States must inevitably produce this result.

View it in any light we may, we Canadians cannot regard the events now passing otherwise than with

of a second-class power. We are unworthy of our sires, unworthy of the enchanting country we possess, unworthy of our fortune-aye, unworthy of the very Motherland that puts this indignity upon us, if we tamely submit to it without exhausting every effort-vain though it may appearto avert so signal a mark of national degeneracy.

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Certainly no stronger argument could be found in favor of Imperial Federation than is furnished by this unfortunate arrangement. No for a moment believes that in any Imperial council or parliament in which the colonies had voice or representation would it be possible to set the seal of approval upon this unhappy convention, nor is it possible that if he had had a Canadian statesman of average patriotism and information at his elbow Lord Salisbury could ever have fallen into such an error. But, in the absence of such influences, it is surely the duty of our Government to enter a spirited remonstrance against an act of folly which endangers our peace, jeopardises important trade interests, and makes an irreparable breach in our influence and prestige.

the gravest alarm. Up to the present time there have been upon this continent two great powers, the United States and Great Britain. In the struggle for prosperity and success, for the extension and development of empire and influence, there has been a fair field and no favour, except such advantages as Nature or Fortune has conferred upon one or the other. But now at a most important crisis in our history, when we have cast our swaddling clothes, and have grown into a robust, vigourous and hopeful adolescence; when our fortunes are going up by leaps and bounds; when we are becoming daily a more formidable rival to our enemy; when we are hourly stimulating her jealousy by the exploiting and development of our resources; when we are preparing to clutch at the highest feathers in her cap; when we are making bold to emulate her prosperity at the same time that we exhibit a higher civilization and a better type of manhood-it is at such a time that an artificial handicap is placed upon us in the race by the solemn acknowledgment of the Mother Country, in the face of Christendom, that the United States is the paramount power, and is entitled to a preponderating influence in this hemisphere, and that so far as this continent is concerned, no matter what the prowess or ambition of her children, or the richness of the heritage God has honoured them with, Great Britain sinks to the level

Lord Randolph Churchill stigmatised Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill as "The Great Betrayal." May we not appropriately call Lord Salisbury's acknowledgment of Monroeism "The Greater Betrayal"?

George T. Blackstock.

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