the plains and of the mountains along their whole north-south extension, yet the analogous condition existing among the Yokuts makes it a possibility that should not be lost sight of. If on the other hand the plains group at present represented by the Mokelumni dialect shall be found not to extend southward to the limit of Miwok territory, its divergence from the main stem of Miwok speech must probably be laid to the influence of its geographical position in proximity to languages of four other families.

An exhaustive study of the Miwok dialects will also make clearer the relations existing in California generally between the smallest linguistic unit and the smallest political or social unit. As has been said, in the territory north of the Miwok, as among the Maidu and Pomo, this political unit is the village. It is the site of the village and not any social organization that gives the name to a group of people. At the same time there is no direct relation between the village and the dialect, as each dialect usually comprises a number of separate villages. Among the Yokuts it is the tribe or body of people, and not the locality or territory occupied by them, that gives them their name, and at the same time the dialect and tribe are coincident. While the Miwok in this respect seem to agree more nearly with their northern neighbors, there are certain indications or at least possibilities that they approximated the Yokuts in some respects. Thus while over the greater part of their territory their names for one another seem to have been largely the indefinite "northerners,” "southerners," "easterners," and "westerners" that any loosely organized people might apply to its neighbors, there yet are a number of names, especially in the north, that are given by the Indians as if they referred to tribes. Such are Mokelumni, Mokosumni, Lelamni, Tawalimni, Sakayakümni, and Walalshimni. It is of course not excluded that these apparent tribal names will on close examination prove to be only place names, as has so often been the case in the study of California ethnology. At the same time the uniform ending of most of these names, and its similarity to a frequent ending of Yokuts tribal names, make this seem less probable than would otherwise be the case. It is only necessary to compare with the Miwok names just given the Yokuts Chulamni, Tulamni, Yaulamni, Wükchamni, Telamni, Choinimni, and Chukai

mina. At the same time this ending -amni, -umni, or -imni is found also among the southern Maidu on names that apparently refer to village sites and not to bodies of people. Such are Yukulme, Sekumne, and Yalisumni, given on Professor Dixon's recent map of the Maidu.' The fact that this ending should have a similar use in three unrelated stocks is of itself of much interest and significance, and when better understood should not only throw new light on the historical relations of these bodies of people, but elucidate their political organization and its relation to their dialectic differentiations. AFFILIATED COLLEGES, UNIVERSITY of California,

SAN FRANCISCO.

1 Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. XVII, pt. 3, 1905.

HOPI CEREMONIAL FRAMES FROM CAÑON DE

CHELLY, ARIZONA

By J. WALTER FEWKES

On a visit to the Museum of the Brooklyn Institute in December last, I became greatly interested in two ethnological specimens obtained by Mr Stewart Culin in Cañon de Chelly,' Arizona. These objects, to which I have briefly referred in my article on Hopi Shrines, undoubtedly belong to the Pueblo culture.

2

They are

not duplicated in other collections, and have a much greater interest than attaches to their rarity, for they seem to verify a legend, current in the East Mesa pueblos of the Hopi, of the former habitation and migration of one of their important clans. They consist of wooden frames with sliding appendages, handles, and symbolic attachments. Their general appearance is shown in the accompanying illustrations (figures 22 and 23).

3

Mr Culin informs me that these frames were found with certain fragments of masks, a brief account of which has been published in a notice that gives also a Navaho legend regarding the origin of the masks and closes with a suggestion that they once belonged to the Asa clan, a Tanoan people now domiciled in the Hopi pueblo of Sichomovi, who are known to have lived at Zuñi and to have sojourned in the Cañon de Chelly for several years. No reference to these frames is made in Mr Culin's account, and as the evidence of Asa ownership which they furnish is corroborative and more de

1 These objects were purchased from Mr C. L. Day by Mr Culin, curator of ethnology of the Brooklyn Institute Museum, to whom I am indebted for many kindnesses in the preparation of this notice.

2 American Anthropologist, VII, April-June, 1906.

366 Hopi Indian Masks from a Cave in the Cañon de Chelly, Arizona," Bulletin of the Brooklyn Institute, Jan. 6, 1906.

"The Kinship of a Tanoan-speaking Community in Tusayan," American Anthropologist, 1894, VIII, p. 164-165: "It is likewise said that after they (the Asa) had lived some time with the Hopi a number of them wandered off to the Tseyi [" Chelly"] Cañon and intermarried with Athapascan (Navaho) tribes."

cisive than that afforded by the fragments of masks, I have ventured to supplement and support by additional facts the notice referred to.

An examination of one of these frames shows its general form as given in the figure, in which a, a' is a wooden bar, apparently in one piece, in which are cut two slots (b, b'). This bar has a round handle (c) midway of its length, opposite a terrace (d) symbolizing

FIG. 22.

- Frame carried by Yaya priest. (Brooklyn Institute Museum.)

a rain cloud. Two pendants (e, e') slide freely in the slots (b, b'), so that if the bar be moved violently sidewise, these appendages strike the ends and the middle, making a noise and suggesting a rattle. Similar frames still used by the Hopi in ceremonies at their East Mesa villages were figured several years ago in a picture of a priest introduced in my account of "The Lesser New Fire Ceremony at Walpi," and later reproduced in a series of native drawings of Hopi kachinas. These illustrations represent masked men called Sumaikoli and Kawikoli, accompanied by priests known as Yayas bearing in their hands similar frames.

Apparently Mrs Stevenson refers to frames of identical shape in

1 American Anthropologist, 1901, n. s., III, 438, pl. xi; also Twenty-first Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pl. xxxiv, xxxv.

her description of the Shúmaakwe ceremony at Zuñi.1 She writes as follows:

A charm fashioned of wood and similar to one of the bars of the suspended form above the altar is carried by a young man whenever the Shumai'koli appears, the bearer manipulating the bar before the god, which appears to have mystic control over the Shumai'koli. The writer has observed the same thing among the Hopi Indians.

e'

e

FIG. 23. Frame carried by Yaya priest; length 24 in. (Brooklyn Institute Mueum, cat. no. 5633.)

The same author says

also:

Whenever he [the charm-bearer] waves the charm the Shumai’koli backs off a distance and then starts forward while the charm-bearer vigorously manipulates the charm to draw the god to him.

And later:

The charm-bearer stands south of her [the female leader], facing east, and holds his charm above his face with his left hand and shakes a small gourd rattle with his right, while he sings a low chant, reminding one of the intoning of a Catholic priest.2

1 Twenty-third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 540, 543, 548-549.

2 The Saiapa who accompany the Zuñi Shumaikoli correspond in some respects to the Kawikoli of the Hopi. The Zuñi Shumaikoli is of course the same as the Walpi Sumaikoli.