tration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first, to a President and Senate for life; and, secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle.

3. Preservation to the states of the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in division of powers; and resistance, therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the states to the general government, and all of those of that government to the executive branch.

4. A rigorously frugal administration of the government, and the application of all the possible savings of the public revenue to the liquidation of the public debt; and resistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a multiplication of officers and salaries, merely to create partisans and to augment the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing.

5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations; and opposition, therefore, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its own expenses, and the wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens and sink us under them.

6. Free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.

7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty.

8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendency of one sect over another.

9. Freedom of speech and of the press; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the constitution, to silence, by force, and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents.

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well disposed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes with us and share with us the public burdens, may have that opportunity, under moderate restrictions, for the development of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag.

11. Encouragement of science and the arts in all their branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institutions, and influences.

CHAPTER VII.

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATIONS.

1801-1809.

REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES.

Thomas Jefferson was inaugurated President, at Washington City, March 4, 1801. He set forth what he considered the essential principles and purposes of our government in his inaugural address, as follows: "Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations -entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments in all their rights as the most competent administration for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people; a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence, the vital principle of republics from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and the sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason; the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of person under the protection of the habeas

corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected." This became, and continued to be, for a long time, the creed of political faith for a great part of the people. Jefferson's aim was to bring all parties into a unity of action, to do away with political intolerance as religious intolerance had been done away with. "We have called by different names brothers of the same principle. We are all republicans-we are all federalists."

OUTLOOK OF THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.

As would be naturally supposed, Jefferson endeavored to shape his policy and manage the government in accordance with republican views. This involved something of a change from the course of affairs during the previous twelve years. But circumstances favored the change. The foreign and domestic difficulties, which had been so troublesome during the previous administration, were all being amicably adjusted. National finances were prosperous, and material resources were increasing rapidly. This administration, it was plain to see, would not be a crisis for the institutions of government, as the previous ones had been, for it accepted them as they had been provided, together with the means of their maintenance, from the administration just driven from power. Jefferson was not disposed, neither would it have been politie, to introduce any violent changes. Cautious and temporizing rather than aggressive, the new President was calculated to deceive the anticipations of the federalists, many of whom took a gloomy view of the future.

OFFICIAL PATRONAGE.

The summer of 1801 was occupied with the trouble-question of official appointments. The President's idea was to remove no person from office merely for holding opinions adverse to the party in power; but the republicans, upon their accession to power, made great demands for the offices. The

offices were, of course, generally held by the federalists, while the previous election had shown that the republicans were greatly in the majority. The President proceeded with great care and deliberation, removing only such officeholders as had used their official power for party purposes, or who had been appointed by President Adams after the result of the last election was known. He was thus enabled to satisfy the most urgent demands for place, and he trusted, for the future, to the natural decrease by death and resignation.

NATURALIZATION LAW.

Congress met December 7, 1801, with a small republican Seventh Congress, majority in both houses. The President, First Session. instead of appearing in person, as had been the custom previously, and delivering an address to both houses of Congress, sent a written message, an example which succeeding presidents have followed. In his message, the President recommended legislation upon a variety of subjects, and, among others, dwelt at some length upon a revival of the naturalization law of 1798. An act passed in 1795 required a residence of five years and an application three years prior to admission. In 1798 an act was passed extending the time of residence to fourteen years, with five years previous application. This session restored the law of 1795. Congress also made an apportionment of representatives in accordance with the second census, giving one representative to every 33,000 inhabitants, and repealed a judiciary law passed at the previous session by the federalists, which provided for the establishment of twenty-four new federal courts, officered, of course, by federalists. The republicans repealed the law, because, as they claimed, there had not been business enough for the courts already existing, and because the opposite party

in pushing the measure through were actuated only by selfish and partisan motives. Congress adjourned May 3, 1802.

THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA.

On the 1st of October, 1800, Spain ceded to France the whole of Louisiana, which comprised at that time a vast amount of territory stretching from the mouth to the source. of the Mississippi and westward to the Rocky Mountains. This was a matter of deep concern to the United States. In the first place, it hemmed them in on the south and west by one of the belligerent powers of Europe, while another belligerent power was in possession of territory on the north, thus extending the entangling alliances and unsettled policies of European rulers to the western continent. In the second place, it threw a dangerous obstacle in the way of our commercial development to have New Orleans and the mouth of the Mississippi controlled by a foreign power. Under such a condition of things, the inhabitants of the west could not have a market for their products free from annoyances, nor could the complete unity of the empire ever be attained. President Jefferson considered the purchase of Louisiana a matter of very great and even vital importance to the Union. This opinion was also shared by Hamilton, but strongly combatted by the rank and file of the federal party. Here we have a specimen of the transmutation that political parties sometimes undergo with regard to some fundamental question. The federalists had been, in the days of their power, "loose constructionists"-that is, they interpreted the constitution so as to give it assumed powers; while the republicans adhered to a strict construction of the constitution, and violently combatted the federalist idea in this particular. But now the attitude of the two parties, respectively, was changed. The federalists claimed that the constitution did not give Congress the authority to purchase territory, and that such a transac