the universality, the necessity and the reasonableness of law. Law natural-the generalization from observed natural phenomena of the arrangement which preserved conflicting natural forces from disaster and permits orderly evolution of the physical universe. Law human-the generalization from the observed facts of human experience of the arrangement by which conflicting human interests are preserved from mutual destruction and the orderly evolution of human society ensured. As a necessary part of the instruction in any department of the college is the explanation of the nature of law, opportunity is afforded to suggest, in any department, by way of illustration, the naturalness as well as the reasonableness of acknowledged law rather than passionate force as governing the intercourse of nations, and to make mention, at least, of efforts now making to that end.

The summation of my argument is that to create a sentiment in the American college favoring international arbitration as a substitute for war, the college student should be provided with all the facts and suitable literature connected with efforts to that end and be urged to sympathetic examination of the interesting and inspiring intellectual propositions involved.

But perhaps I am mistaken, perhaps I go too far in assuming that the average American college community concedes that arbitration, if practicable, is preferable to war in the settlement of international disputes. If so, then our only hope is in a complete moral regeneration, and, as contributory thereto, I venture to offer briefly one or two suggestions. Young, red blood is hot; passion is closely attendant upon virility; the fighting instinct inherited from our far-back ancestors is strong in youth. Indeed, if by international agreement, enlistment in the armies of the world were limited to men over 40 years of age, we probably should have very few serious wars. The subjection of all these animal propensities to spiritual control is the object of the general moral training of the college, remembering that college sentiment is not largely formed by considerations which appeal only to the "goody-goody' or the "mollycoddle." So far as these animal tendencies affect individual relations, and in accomplishing the severance, without destruction, of virility from passion, the ordinary discipline of the average American college is, no doubt, fairly successful. The most promising avenue of extension to

international relations is perhaps through a better and more intimate knowledge of contemporaneous foreign peoples, which the college might endeavor, in various ways, to provide.

There is a very prevalent belief in the adolescent mind (not confined to the adolescent, however,) that, after all, there are good results of war, which, in some measure, may counterbalance the evil-as in the awakening of proper national aspirations, the solidifying of national sentiment, or the strengthening of national character. Even if this were true it would be but apology, not justification for war. War is dramatic and focuses public attention; so frequently is and does a murder, and many admitted crimes produce some results not altogether bad. It is not true, of course, that war is a necessity to any of these good ends or is ever largely a creditor in the balancing of good against evil. The truth would appear from an examination of the facts, and there are certain departments of every college whose business it is to present these facts. May I be pardoned a pertinent illustration in this connection? It is frequently proclaimed with much fervor that our poor, little absurd Spanish war (for it was that, with no disparagement of the heroism and valor displayed) was worth all it cost, in the occasion it gave for restoration of fraternal feeling to the sections of our country previously unhappily estranged. Now, as a matter of fact, the fraternal feeling must, actually, previously have existed; it could not possibly have been created by the war. The war undoubtedly gave opportunity for its expression. But I am amused to remember (as I do distinctly) that identically the same thing was said, and with as much enthusiasm (at least in my part of the country) on another, a previous dramatic occasion, when, by peaceful and orderly procedure there happened to be elected a Democratic President of these United States. We were then assured that, by reason of that fact, the war at last was over and the "bloody chasm" bridged. Of course the bridge was built when the present generation came upon the stage, and we were all looking furtively about for any appropriate occasion which would give us an excuse to call attention to it. As a choice of occasions, even partisan differences must admit that the benefits to the country of Mr. Cleveland's comparatively uneventful administration far outweighed any possible benefit we have derived from the Spanish war, and the evils (if there were

evils, which I do not admit) were insignificant in comparison. Confidentially, I venture the further opinion that all the militant forces recruited in the South during the Spanish war had no more (if as much) to do with the restoration of fraternal feeling than the quite respectable and influential army of southern office-holders appointed under Mr. Cleveland's administrations.

The confusion of nationalism with patriotism, while not peculiar to youthful minds, is a frequent accompaniment of youthful ignorance. Here in America we are, fortunately, at great advantage in the opportunity for promotion of peace through patriotism. The hero who appeals to the normal collegiate imagination is not the physical weakling who does right because he fears the physical consequence of doing wrong, but the big, strong fellow, gentle because unafraid; conscious of his physical ability to take care of himself under any circumstances and chivalrous, good-natured and forbearing through knowledge of his strength. How amply fills the measure of such hero this great Republic. By blood and by tradition chivalrous, good-natured, generous and just. In power marshalled ultimate strength able and content even to take the chances of "unpreparedness" for war, if necessary to secure unquestioning recognition. Of the genuine desire. for peace. And with it all, abounding opportunities to dazzle the nations with exhibition of virile strength in gigantic industrial enterprise at home; in adventurous but peaceful exploitations of a great continent lying to the South and a frozen empire subduing in the North. American youth need no foreign wars as spur to patriotism and national pride. And above all surely a stirring appeal is made to the national ambition and the national pride of the average young American collegian in the prospect now affording of glorious fulfillment of the prophecy of the greatest of American seers in that the American scholar, the American man thinking is at last quickening the "sluggard" intellect of this continent to look from under its iron lids and fill the postponed expectation of the world with something better than "all the nations have ever yet conceived-a reasonable, practicable plan for present partial accomplishment and ultimate realization of the ages-old dream of poet, philosopher and sage- The Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.""

EDUCATION A FACTOR WHICH MAKES FOR PEACE.

BY PRESIDENT LAWRENCE A. DELUREY.

GENTLEMEN: If there were no other manifestations of encouragement in the interest of peace, this meeting of educators would be sufficient guarantee that the time is fast approaching when international arbitration shall become the medium of diplomatic negotiations, and when peace will be the chief object of foreign offices of all governments.

The famous philosopher of Heidelberg, Kuno Fischer, in speaking of the efforts made in behalf of peace at The Hague Conference, said: "Of the three theological virtues, Faith, Hope and Love, I have abandoned the first two, so far as permanent results in the interest of peace is concerned." With all due respect to the memory of that philosopher, we have signs all around and about us that his critical judgment may be more relied upon when dealing with Descartes, Spinoza or Kant than when he attempts to become the interpreter of history and her development in the future. I am sure that, had he lived to see this day and to attend this meeting, and witnessed the assemblage of educators who have left their cloistered studies and their congenial pursuits in order to give stimulus to this most magnificent and noble cause of peace, he would have rejoiced with us and revised his utterance, which I have already quoted.

Beholding the venerable and learned provost of the University of Pennsylvania presiding over this meeting of educators in the interest of international arbitration and peace, one feels almost the stirring pulsations and the great agitations of the days of the immortal Hugo Grotius. Much of the adverse criticism of the past against Grotius may still be repeated and maintained; but the results flowing from his work and over those who followed him can never be wiped out and must increase as the time goes on.

It is most fitting, first of all, that the citizens of the United States should exert every influence both in their individual capacity and through governmental channels, to bring about a tribunal of arbitration looking toward the establishment of the principle of peace in international, diplomatic negotiations. True liberty is incompatible with intolerance. Tolerance begets those ami

cable dispositions both in the individual and in the nation that lead to conciliatory action and finally to peace.

As we have taken our stand amongst the nations of the earth in the interest and in the defense of liberty, and have made that principle the corner-stone of our governmental life and proclaimed it to the world, we must follow that principle to its end; and that end is toleration, a conciliatory temper toward other nations and a peaceful settlement of all difficult and complicated conflicts which international life presents.

It may almost be regarded as a warning from heaven that at the end of our conflict with Spain in 1898, in the interest of oppressed tribes, the Czar of all the Russias astonished the world with his manifesto in the interest of peace, which led finally to the Conference at The Hague, and which has accomplished so much already towards the desired end.

At first the opening of The Hague Conference, in the presence of the many delegates, plenipotentiaries and ambassadors, attended by many educators and members of faculties of the Dutch universities, the Government of the United States, by the hand of her ambassador and the distinguished American educator, Andrew D. White, placed a wreath of her tribute upon the tomb of Hugo Grotius, and thus signalized her hearty acquiescence in the great movement of international peace.

But more so is it proper and befitting that the educators of the world, and especially the educators of this young, giant republic, should exert their influence and should use their best endeavors to give dignity and stimulus to that great, noble movement, the advancement of the great divine mission of Christians, namely, "Peace on earth; peace amongst men; peace amongst the nations."

Education stands in a very close relation to this movement; the whole work of education with the individual is the proper, as far as possible the perfect, and most harmonious developments of the elements in man.

Education, to be worthy of the name, must, aside from the mere imparting of knowledge, tend to chasten the various faculties and to bring them into harmonious subordination, one to the other, and thus enable man to fulfill his mission on earth and