standing before the law as no more than the equal of his lesser brother. So now the governments of greater power are loath to acknowledge the equality of nations before the earth's universally operative law.

It may take long to make them bow; but they will bow as completely as have done the hottest-blooded barons with their castles and their trains.

It is an old and recurrent fallacy that war is necessary to maintain the virility of the race.

When the robber chiefs disarmed their retainers, and the discarded shields and swords became banquet-hall decorations, the battle-scarred marauders doubtless wept because, when there should be no more broken heads, there would be no more brave hearts or capacity for valorous sacrifice.

The apologist of modern militarism now contends that the courage of the race will wane unless our youth are practiced in the art of killing unknown and unseen beings at the other side of fifteen miles of hill and sea.

If personal conflict has educational value, armies and navies for that purpose are an unnecessary extravagance. It would be cheaper and more effective to enroll the whole population under forty in football teams and train them on the gridiron.

There is more personal bravery exhibited hourly all around us than is possible in a century of camp and battle.

"The Sons of Martha finger Death at their glove's end,

When they piece and repiece the living wires:

He rears against the gates they tend:

They feed him hungry behind their fires.

Early at dawn e'er men see clear,

They stumble into his terrible stall,

And hale him forth like a haltered steer,

And goad and turn him till evenfall."

These things develop more nerve than sighting a gun by mathematical calculation at an invisible foe.

There are other hazards of success and risks of peace calling for still higher moral force. It requires more real courage for a public official to do his full duty in disobedience of his party bosses

or in defiance of the demagogue than to lead a forlorn hope or resist a cavalry charge.

The people will be no less brave and true if they forget fashions in man killing.

The natural man individually and in the mass abhors impartial courts.

In the beginning the strong and cunning must have chafel, as they do still, against the cold impartiality of unbiased judges. So the nations will not easily renounce the comfortable anchor to windward of a tribunal composed, at least in part, of members subject to their influence or control.

As it is now everywhere admitted to be of the essence of injustice that a man should be judge in his own cause; so it must be insisted by the world's joint opinion and power that no nation great or small, directly or indirectly, shall be represented on the bench before whom its disputes are tried.

Unreserved submission to the law is attained by slow degrees. At first, defence of skin and bone was vested in a tribunal backed by the aggregate power and authority of the community, probably with the determined reservation that the wild and free. man should not be bound in regard to questions involving independence, integrity or vital interest.

Results slowly proved the innovation's wisdom. As individuals became accustomed to decision of their disputes by communal decree, it required fewer swords to enforce them, and more sinewy hands were at liberty to tickle the earth to laughing fruitfulness.

In proportion as the circle of the community and the jurisdiction of its courts has widened, so has broadened the prosperity and security of all within.

The suspicion, hate, and ignorance that made it difficult to bring a hundred bone-gnawing savages into obedience to the first village authority used the same arguments, no doubt, as those that delayed the union of the Saxon heptarchy; the same that made uncertain the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America; and the same that doubt the permanency of the Hague Tribunal and the extension of its functions.

But prejudice, short-sighted greed, low ambition, narrow pro

vincialism, though covered with the spectacular bunting of patriotism, will no more permanently halt the march of progress than in the past.

If it is wrong for an individual to be his own judge, and execute his own will by force against his neighbor; if it is of the essence of anarchy for any part, no matter how numerous, to decide upon the justice of its prejudice or hate, and enter and enforce its own decree with ready rope or brand; then all offensive war of nations is also wrong.

If it is right for every organized community to restrain by its whole force any portion, no matter how great, that attempts to take the law out of the control of the duly constituted courts and their executives, then it is right and wise, and in the necessary development of civilization, that the whole world must establish a world's permanent court of arbitrament, by which all disputes between the nations must be determined, and whose decisions will be enforced by the whole world's power, which shall also keep the whole earth's peace.

Pennsylvania ought to take an early part toward promoting this happy consummation. Equal laws, impartial justice, the Golden Rule practiced and enforced, are peculiarly Pennsylvania's inheritance. Here in the woods of Penn was the first determined and persistent attempt of the capable and strong to deal fairly and justly, under no compulsion, with the ignorant and weak.

The early glory of this State's history was in the demonstration that candor and fair dealings, even with men of lower rank and savage blood, and presumably unregenerated souls, was possible and wise; and that this, like all godliness, was very profitable.

Beneath that sweeping elm, almost within the round of whose sun-flecked shadow is the spot where we now stand, was solemnized with simple speech the great treaty that, scrupulously kept for forty years, made this colony unique in its prosperity and freedom from alarm.

The first gold-mad adventurers elsewhere, under the dishonored symbol of the cross, brought the cruelty of Christian war to the hospitable and kindly heathen.

It is little marvel that the brilliant French philosopher turned from that shameful chapter of the New World's history to this

sylvan council chamber with the epigram describing this as "the only treaty between these people and the Christians not ratified by an oath, and that was never broken."

Nor did this colony fail to furnish warnings to workers of strong-handed iniquity, in the experiences of the unworthy successors of the faith-keeping “ Mignon."

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Such sharp practices as the "Walking Purchase" sowed a crop of hate that eventually covered the land with burning cabins, and filled each mountain trail with settlers fleeing from the frontier, where slaughtered men and women and kidnapped children had paid the price of innocent blood and life for the grasping dishonesty and greedy lust for land of those who forsook the founder's principles for the heresy that "might makes right."

Some of the clergy, with extreme mediæval sophistry, found a lesson more satisfactory to their holy vengeance. According to their interpretation of providences, the scalpings and brutal outrages were the punishment sent by heaven because the Quakers had disobeyed the divine command, in that they did not smite and utterly destroy the heathen without covenant or mercy.

In this early history the fault of the militant Calvinists, inherited from Joshua's invaders of Canaan, from the Crusaders, and from Cromwell and his Ironsides, was that they themselves paid no regard to the Golden Rule. The fault of the Quaker was that he hesitated to compel others to obey it.

"He walked by faith and not by sight,

By love and not by law;

The presence of the wrong or right

He rather felt than saw.

He felt that wrong with wrong partakes,
That nothing stands alone,

That whoso gives the motive makes

His brother's sin his own.

And, pausing not for doubtful choice

Of evils great or small,

He listened to that inward voice,
Which called away from all."

But he often failed to see that the duty of the State, and his duty as a part of the State, was not fulfilled simply by practicing the Golden Rule himself, but that it is the highest governmental duty

to use all necessary force to compel all within the law's peace to live up to it, and to do unto other men whatsover, if they were only just, they would that men should do to them.

They did protect the weak and compel justice, yielding to a logic that they felt, although it appeared to be in dishonor of the professed half-truth of non-resistance.

"To this peaceful asylum came those pilgrims from the Fatherland, Weak, timid, homesick, slow to understand the New World's Promise."

With these German mystics came the Scotch-Irish, who were not mystics, and who had no objections to enforcing the Golden or any other rule that they approved, by force of arms. There were also the practical yet poetic Welsh, and the chivalrous Huguenot, with the descendants of the early Swedes. The race strains merging, a human compound has been produced from which has sprung a great harvest of industry, learning, and morality, of which Pennsylvania's sons are justly proud; and there are better things before us than behind. It is a soil which ought to be most favorable to the culture of the "olive branch," with all it symbolizes.

William Penn's plan in 1693 for a European Council of Arbitrament was the seed that, carefully nurtured by the Society of Friends, is now flowering in the International Peace Congress at The Hague.

The cause of the complete establishment of God's universal justice and of his peace ought to excite a holy ardor in the land of Penn and Franklin.

In two centuries none contributed more practically toward this end than our two great ones: the forceful Quaker and the philosophic statesman. Pennsylvania, true to her traditions, has given her most conspicuous honors to her soldiers of peace.

No man of his time did more for the peace of our independence than Franklin by his tactful diplomacy; and none was more honored by the State.

In our own day the world's verdict has hailed our great President as its most illustrious and effective champion of peace.

But before the Portsmouth Treaty or the Nobel prize, Pennsylvania decorated him with its phenomenal half million majority.