establishment of a statutory commission to help reduce discrimination in employment in the post-war period. The present Fair Employment Practice Committee is only a war agency. It will pass out with the end of the war-but the problems it handled will not end with its termination. On the contrary they will continue in aggravated form, to plague the Nation and our minority groups. After military victory abroad Americans must prepare for another war, namely, against depression and unemployment on the home front. We must prepare to overcome massive forces tending to create depression and unemployment at home. Though we de mobilize on the military front, we will face new battles on the home front. Discrimination against minority groups curbed and checked by wartime controls and labor shortages will survive and revive after the war to appear in even more complex and catastrophic forces.

(Cherne p. 279): "Frayed tempers, escapists from reality, scapegoat seekersall these 'will provide the faggots, but economic conflict will light the fire.' It has been well said: 'If we resented the Negro when we needed him, how will we feel when we don't need him?' To Negro, one may well add Jew'."

In the transition from the war economy national economic insecurity may affect some American Jews with special stringency. General economic insecurity may well mean a greater degree of insecurity for the Jewish worker, storekeeper, businessman, professional man. Communal tensions have been subordinated while all were fighting a common enemy. They will seek to spring forth after the war, or as soon as the specters of joblessness and economic insecurity stalk the land. Fascist-minded groups will seize upon the confusion and the despair nurtured by economic depression. Seeds of discord are being cultivated by those whose business it is to fatten upon national disunity. To quench these hatreds, to calm these pre-peace fears we should strengthen our governmental statutory structure in part by creating a permanent support against ecnomic discrimination: viz, the Fair Employment Practice Commission proposed in Senate bill, 2048.

The Commission on Economic Discrimination of the American Jewish Congress has been advocating legislation restricting employment discrimination for the past 15 years. It has been serving as a sort of miniature Fair Employment Practice Committee. Now progressive legislation generally follows this pattern: A private agency discovers a need, seeks to correct the situation, meanwhile trying to educate the public to take governmental action. Finally Government steps in and established an agency to perform the work. That the 15-year effort on the part of the A-J-C may help, even in small measure toward the creation of a Fair Employment Practice Committee would be a cause for rejoicing amongst those who know that discrimination against Jewish workers was practiced before the war. The C-E-D has published a number of reports covering some of its labors in reducing discrimination against Jews seeking jobs. From one published in 1937 a few paragraphs are cited to present a pre-war picture that may reappear in intensified form in the post-war era.

"Office positions and other types of white-collar work are now most frequently filled through the intermediation of employment agencies, both public and private, the latter charging a fee for their services. Needless to say, these intermediaries have in the course of their activities accurately gaged the prejudice of their patrons against Jews; they are not, as a rule, reticent in admitting its scope and effect. One Christian investigator, who cooperated with our Commission, interviewed the managers of 13 New York City agencies whose normal daily load is 6,000 applicants; all of them readily granted that anti-Jewish prejudice is very high.

76* * * One executive had discovered that she could readily clear a waiting room full of applicants by the simple device of a general announcement: "There are no jobs available for bookkeepers-or Jews.' Another agency went somewhat further by giving those who entered the office a prepared statement reading: "We cannot accept applications from Jewish bookkeepers, typists, clerks, and other classes of office workers, as we do not get calls for them.

"The ultimate of this sort of line may be seen in a sign displayed in the office of an employment bureau reading: "No Jewish applicants until further notice." It was removed on order of the New York City Bureau of Licenses. * * * 16* * * Do the employment agencies which handle Jewish applicants unfairly reflect an existing prejudice, or do they create and stimulate it? Our investigations have convinced us that a good part of the responsibility must be placed squarely on the shoulders of certain agency managers. While it is no fault of theirs that many employers request Christians only such requests do not justify their raising the issue where otherwise it would never have been raised.

The vice president of a great national tobacco company reported to us that the agencies with which he deals always ask his religious preference. This may be nothing more than a bit of routine procedure, but rarely will it fail to bring out to the fullest degree latent possibilities for discrimination. Worst of all, however, is the insidious agency manager who attempts to 'flatter' his client by insinuating, 'Of course, you don't want a Jewish stenographer.' Rarely will he get the only decent response to that kind of subtle insult, such as came from a packinghouse superintendent who fired back: 'What the hell do I care about her religion.' Send me a good stenographer."

66* * * Another Congress investigator applied to employment agencies for a total of 100 jobs as stenographer, secretary, accountant, and auditor. He had to report that, 'In 91 cases I was told that a Jew would be unacceptable.' If this ratio holds, it follows that in a city where the Jews form nearly 30 percent of the population, the chances against a Jew's obtaining employment would be more than 10 to 1."

66* * * Is the attitude of the employer himself more helpful than that of the employment agencies which serve him? In an effort to find an objective answer to this question the writer went through the files of an agency serving many important companies and tabulated the records involving more than 400 firms in New York City. Of these, 89 percent, or 359, declared that they 'preferred Christians.'

66* * * In the light of these observations and findings it is no exaggeration when the head of an important placement bureau declares that in general Jews must be classified as "marginal workers." Only when the demand for workers exceed the supply of qualified applicants are they considered for jobs. In the present situation, with widespread unemployment in the white-collar fields, a Jew's opportunities are restricted in a menacing and un-American fashion. * * *""

66* * * The experience of a Jewish teacher with a high school some 50 miles from New York City is instructive with regard to appointive positions. This man had completed his professional training at Teachers' College (Columbia University) and held 2 other university degrees. He received the appointment as principal of the high school in question. After all arrangements had been made, including living quarters for his family, a short time before the opening of the school term he was called on the long distance telephone. The caller was a member of the school board. 'Are you Jewish?' he asked. When the principalelect said 'Yes,' he was told that it would be impossible to employ him. He and his family were stranded at a time when other places that he might have filled were no longer open.

"The commission on economic problems of the American Jewish Congress was called into this situation. In the course of our investigation, we came upon a proposed amendment to the civil rights law buried in the judiciary committee in Albany, which prohibits any inquiry concerning the faith or religious affiliation of any applicant for employment in the public schools of the State. The amendment was revived and finally passed. It is now on the statue books as chapter VI, sections 40A-41 of the consolidated laws * * *

"Shame and deep resentment because Jewishness throws one into a lower caste, regardless of all personal qualities, is a sadly recurrent and established phenomenon among thousands of American Jews. In an effort to traverse the vicious barrier many consciously and systematically drop Jewish associations. Those who have 'passed' live as twentieth-centruy Marranos, in dread of discovery in their frantic efforts toward economic adjustment, moral and social consequences of catastrophic scope may ensue

* * *

* * *

"The program of our commission includes the following activities:
"(1) Investigation and adjustments of complaints.
"(2) Job placement through established agencies.

"(3) Cooperation with Christian leaders and agencies.

"(4) Education of employers through conference.

"(5) Legislative work for remedial measures.

"(6) Research in the economic contribution of the Jewish community." Paragraph (5) above, part of the commission's program for 15 years reaches an apex of endeavor in its efforts to assist in the enactment of Federal legislation for a Fair Employment Practice Commission. What we saw in 1937 holds true with

even greater force in 1944, as we face the post-war era.

"We have now reached the time when legislation must be enacted in order to assure that American men and women will be able to secure jobs according to their ability and qualifications and not according to their race or their religion.

It is a fundamental American ideal the freedom of opportunity and fair play-that will be furthered by Federal legislation to insure the right of every person to a job without discrimination.

16* * * Economic pogroms in our midst must cease. They cry to heaven of a great injustice. If we were but fully awake to the moral disaster as well as economic distress which follows in the wake of this injustice, our reaction would be, we must bring it to an end.

"We must expose this hideous, un-American creation of darkness to the light of truth. We must also engage in a program that will enlist the aid of Christian liberals, and industrial leaders generally, to help remove the unjust disabilities which bring grievous—yes, incalculable-hurt to our people.

"Discrimination against Jewish persons in the economic field in the United States is a paramount issue confronting American Jewry. Its existence is a challenge to all right-thinking Americans. Its continuance is a threat to democracy itself. We dare not leave that threat unheeded, that challenge unanswered. We will, we must work untiringly for the maintenance of true democracy and fair play for Jews in all fields of economic activity. Only in that way can we make our best contribution to the American commonwealth."

In "a full employment peace economy" the American Jew should have ample and unhindered opportunity to make his contribution to the American commonwealth, and thus help to heal the wounds of an era whose terrifying tragedy for the Jew will not be forgotten as long as time endures.

Senator CHAVEZ. Bishop Bromley Oxnam, will you please come forward?

STATEMENT OF BISHOP G. BROMLEY OXNAM, FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES OF CHRIST, NEW YORK CITY

Senator CHAVEZ. It is the committee's understanding that you would like to make a statement with reference to Senate bill 2048.

Bishop OXNAM. That is correct, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. Will you allow me to say at the beginning I appreciate very much the privilege of appearing in this particular hearing. I am here to represent the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America.

Senator CHAVEZ. Will you identify yourself for the record?

Bishop OXNAM. My name is G. Bromley Oxnam. I am one of the bishops of the Methodist Church. My residence is 150 Fifth Avenue, New York.

Senator CHAVEZ. You may proceed.

Bishop OXNAM. Thank you, sir. I am representing, as I said, the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, and likewise representing the Methodist Church. In the matter of representing the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, may I read a letter from Dr. Samuel McCrea Cavert, who is the general secretary of the Federal Council. It is dated August 24, 1944, in New York.

DEAR BISHOP OXNAM: I understand that you are being invited to testify at the Senate hearing on the Fair Employment Practice Committee on August 30 or thereabouts. I send this note to say that I very much hope that you can do this. If you find it possible to go, I hope you will represent the Federal Council as well as the Methodist Church, for, as you know, the Federal Council has definitely gone on record as favoring permanent provisions to achieve the aims of the Fair Employment Practice Committee.

Will you allow me to say also, I am a member of the executive committee of the council and a member of the advisory committee, which is the committee to which all matters of policy are referred before action in the executive committee.

One word regarding the Federal Council. The Federal Council is composed of 25 of the leading Protestant denominations in this

country, with a membership of 25,000,000 worshiping in America, 150,000 churches and congregations. The membership of the Federal Council is chosen by the respective denominations in their highest governing bodies.

The

The Federal Council has taken the following actions, which I would like to read for the purpose of the record, if you will allow me. first was taken on June 13, 1941, a general statement:

The executive committee of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America has great concern about the grievous discrimination shown in the exclusion of Negro workers or the workers of other minority groups from defense industries, with a few creditable exceptions, and from opportunities and facilities for training for employment in such industries. We consider this question of

such paramount importance that we ask for the largest and fullest cooperation on the part of the churches in order that we may prevent a continuance of this injustice against Negroes and other minorities in defense industries, and that the relations of these workers and employers may be improved.

Later on, on September 15, 1943, the executive committee acted. specifically, and I quote:

As Christians each of us—

this was a message to all of the churches of the Protestant persuasion— As Christains each of us should give active support to the Fair Employment Practice Committee against discrimination in employment in industry.

Then again, on May 21, 1944, the executive committee passed this resolution, and I quote:

Discrimination in employment because of race, creed, or national origin is one of the great moral issues before our Nation today. The right of a worker to be employed and paid solely on the basis of his character and aiblity is so clear, just, and Christian that it should be protected by law. This right should be provided by appropriate legislative and administrative provisions. Be it further

Resolved, That the Federal Council of Churches urge our Government to establish permanent procedures for securing the objectives which have been sought by the Committee on Fair Employment Practice.

Mr. Chairman, I have presented these official actions so that the committee might know that the large percentage of Protestant churches of this country as represented in the Federal Council are on record not only on the general proposition but on the specific matter that is now before this body, and on record favorably.

A word regarding the Methodist Church. I shall be very brief. I am secretary of the Council of Bishops of the Methodist Church. Our membership is 7,955,000, approximately 8,000,000 members. Our membership is counted somewhat differently to that, let us say, of the very strong Roman Catholic Church which lists some 22,000,000 members in the country, as I believe will also appear in the testimony of one of its representatives here. We do not count our children, of course, until they join the church of their own volition. I only mention this to show the opinion that is back of the statement I am about to make. In the choice of chaplains for the Army of the United States. of America, the Methodist Church is called upon to furnish 20 percent of all of the chaplains of the Army, and the Roman Catholic Church 25 percent of them. Therefore I speak for a substantial opinion when I make this statement. No one can speak for the Methodist Church except this general conference which meets quadrennially, a body in which representatives come from all over the world, composed of

about 600 persons. At the last conference in 1944 in Kansas City this action was taken:

We make the following proposals for action—

and then under the head of "Negro" they state:

We stand for the recognition of the rights of the Negro. To this end we urge: 1. The foundation within our schools and colleges of special courses and activities promoting racial understanding.

2. Equal opportunity in employment, upgrading and conditions of work; in the exercise of the full right of citizenship; in excess to professional and business careers; in housing; in transportation and educational facilities.

Now may I particularly stress this:

We endorse the principles underlying the Fair Employment Practice Committee and urge all agencies involved in the administration of the act to improve that administration.

There are four statements I would like to make, Mr. Chairman, in conclusion. The first is this:

The religious forces and I believe the democratic forces of the United States face a fundamental problem here, and that is finding concrete means to translate our ethical ideals into the realities of economic justice and racial brotherhood. We preachers find it easy to make general statements in the realm of brotherhood, but it is hard to find specific means to make that brotherhood real.

It is our opinion, and I think I am speaking for the churches in this, that this right to work is elementary, and within the realm of the right to work certainly a man's opportunity ought to be based upon his character and capacity, it ought not to be determined by his color or his creed. We feel this grows right out of religious principle, and that is the reason the churches are seeking to represent themselves as strongly as possible on this.

Will you let me say, Mr. Chairman, that we feel it is necessary to have an act that can be enforced, so that the abstract right becomes a right in fact in this particular field.

The second statement I would like to make is this: If you will pardon me for saying so, both of my sons are in the Army. One was wounded at Cassino, and went in with the first troops in the Anzio beachhead. I receive many letters and I am quite certain that the soldier does not ask whether the man beside him is an American white man or an American black man, or an American Catholic or an American Jew, he is an American and he is a soldier.

Senator CHAVEZ. Is it not also correct, that the enemy, whether he be Japanese or German, does not differentiate in color, race, or creed? Bishop OXNAM. Not at all.

Senator CHAVEZ. In fighting the American soldier.

Bishop OXNAM. Precisely, sir. I believe very deeply that the American soldier of any race and of any creed, who has gone abroad to restore liberty, must not come home to find freedom denied, and the churches seek to stress that.

The third item is this: This committee is fully aware and I need not add that racial tensions exist in our great centers of population, serious tensions. I spent 10 years on the east side of Los Angeles, I am familiar with what happened there recently. Just before being assigned to New York I was bishop in Boston and we had our antiSemitic situations there, and in Detroit. We hope that legislation